CGRN 201

Date :

ca. 200 BC

Justification: lettering (Herda). For the original dates of the document in the dossier, see below in the Commentary.

Provenance

Miletos . Found in 1903 reused in the courtyard of the Delphinion near the harbour. As Herda reconstructs it, the inscription originally stood in front of the walls of the early Hellenistic porticoes of the Delphinion; after the new construction under Hadrian or Antoninus Pius, the inscription was incorporated into those walls. Around 400 AD, it was reused upside down in the courtyard of the Delphinion. Now in the Staatliche Museen in Berlin (Antikensammlung, inv. no. 679).

Support

Large, tapering stele of blue marble, virtually intact. Joints at the top edge make it clear that the stele was originally fixed to the left and right on a wall.

Height: 254 cm
Width: (from top to bottom) 115-127 cm
Depth: (from top to bottom) 15-25 cm

Layout

Letters: 15 mm high.

Bibliography

Edition here based on Herda 2006, with ph. figs. 1 and 2a-e. Minor differences are included here, notably concerning dotted letters (based on autopsy by Carbon).

Other editions: Wilamowitz 1904, with ph. pl. 5; Rehm Milet I.3 133, with ph. fig. 74.

Cf. also: Ziehen LGS II 158; Sokolowki LSAM 50.

Further bibliography: Gödeken 1986; Schneider 1987; Georgoudi 2001b; Rhodes 2006; Ekroth 2008b; Parker 2008b; Chaniotis 2010; Herda 2011; Carbon 2013b.

Text

ἐπὶ Φιλτέω το̑ Διονυσίο μολπῶν αἰσυμνῶντος, προσέταιροι ἦσαν Οἰνώ-
πων Ἀγαμήδης Ἀριστοκράτεος, Ὁπλήθων Λύκος Κλέαντος,
Βίων Ἀπολλοδώρο, Βωρ⌈έ⌉Βων Κρηθεὺς Ἑρμώνακτος, Θράσων Ἀν-
τιλέοντος· ἔδοξε μολποῖσιν τὰ ὄργια ἀναγράψαντας θεῖναι ἐς
5τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ χρῆσθαι τούτοισιν, καὶ οὕτωι τάδε γραφθέντα ἐτέ-
θη Ἑβδομαίοισι· τῆι ὀγδῶι ΑΠΟΛΕΙΚΑΙ(?) τὰ ἱερὰ ἢ σπλάγχνα σπείσοσι μολπῶν
αἰσυμνήτης· ὁ δὲ αἰσυμνήτης καὶ ὁ προσέταιρος προσαίρεται, ὅταν οἱ
κρητῆρες πάντες σπεσθέωσι καὶ παιωνίσωσιν· τῇ δὲ ἐνάτῃ καὶ ἀπὸ
τῆς ὀσφύος καὶ τῆς πεμπάδος, ἣν ἴσχοσιν στεφανηφόροι,
10τούτων προλαγχάνει τὰ ἰσε̑α ὁ νέος· ἄρχονται θύειν τὰ ἱερῆα
{ΑΡΧΟ} ἀπὸ τούτων Ἀπόλλωνι Δελφινίωι· καὶ κρητῆρες κιρνέαται κατό-
περ ἐμ μολπῶι καὶ παιὼν γίνεται, ὁ δὲ ἐξιὼν αἰσυμνήτης ἀπὸ τῶν ἡμίσε-
ων θύει Ἱστίηι καὶ κρητῆρας σπενδέτω αὐτὸς καὶ παιωνιζέτω· τῆι δεκά-
τηι ἁμιλλητήρια, καὶ δίδοται ἀπὸ μολπῶν δύο ἱερῆιια τοῖσι στεφανηφό-
15ροισιν τέληα, καὶ ἔρδεται Ἀπόλλωνι Δελφινίωι, καὶ ἁμιλλῶνται οἱ στε-
φανηφόροι οἵ τε νέοι καὶ ὁ ἱέρεω⟨ς⟩, καὶ οἶνον πίνοσι τὸμ μολπῶν, καὶ κρητῆρες
σπένδονται κατόπερ ἐμ μολπῶι· ὁ δὲ ἐξιὼν αἰσυμνήτης παρέχει ἅπερ ὁ
Ὀνιτάδης καὶ λαγχάνει ἅπερ ὁ Ὀνιτάδης· ὅταν στεφανηφόροι ἴωσιν ἐς
Δίδυμα, ἡ πόλις διδοῖ ἑκατόνβην τρία ἱερῆιια τέλεια· τούτων ἓν θῆλυ, ἓν
20δὲ ἐνόρχες· ἐς μολπὸν ἡ πόλις διδοῖ Ταργηλίοισιν ἱερὸν τέλειον καὶ Μεταγει-
τνίοισιν ἱερὸν τέλειον, Ἑβδομαίοισιν δὲ δύο τέλεια, καὶ χο̑ν τὸμ παλαιὸν ὁ[ρ]-
τῆς ἑκάστης· τούτοισι τοῖς ἱεροῖσιν ὁ βασιλεὺς παρίσταται, λαγχάνει δὲ
οὐδὲν πλῆον τῶν ἄλλων μολπῶν· καὶ ἄρχονται οἱ στεφανηφόροι Ταυρεῶ-
νος θύειν Ἀπόλλωνι Δελφινίωι ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἀπαρξάμενοι καὶ κρητη-
25ρίσας τέσσερας· καὶ γυλλοὶ φέρονται δύο, καὶ τίθεται παρ’ Ἑκάτην τὴν πρόσθεν
πυλέων ἐστεμμένος καὶ ἀκρήτω κατασπένδετε ὁ δ’ ἕτερος ἐς Δίδυμα ἐπὶ
θύρας τίθεται· ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες ἔρχονται τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν πλατεῖαν μέχρι
ἄκρο, ἀπ’ ἄκρο δὲ διὰ δρυμο̑· καὶ παιωνίζεται πρῶτον παρ’ Ἑκάτῃ τῇ πρόσθεν πυ-
λέων, παρὰ Δυνάμει, εἶτεν ἐπὶ λειμῶνι ἐπ’ ἄκρο παρὰ Νύμφαις, εἶτεν παρ’ Ἑρμῇ ἐν
30Κελάδο, παρὰ Φυλίωι, κατὰ Κεραιΐτην, παρὰ Χαρέω ἀνδριᾶσιν· ἔρδεται δὲ τῶι παν-
θύωι ἔτει παρὰ Κεραιΐτηι δαρτόν, παρὰ Φυλίωι δὲ θύα θύεται πάντ’ ἔτεα· Ὀνιτά-
δηισι πάρεξις κεράμο, σιδήρο, χαλκο̑, ξύλων, ὕδατος, κύκλων, δαίδος, ῥιπῶν,
κρέα ἐπιδιαιρε̑ν φαλαγκτηρίων, δεσμῶν τοῖς ἱερηίοισιν· παρὰ στεφανηφόρος
λύχνον καὶ ἄλειφα· ὄπτησις σπλάγχνων, κρεῶν ἕψησις, τῆς ὀσφύος καὶ
35τῆς πεμπάδος, ἣν στεφανηφόροι ἴσχοσιν, ἕψησις καὶ διαίρεσις, καὶ μοίρης λά-
ξις· ἐπιπέσσεν τὰ ἔλατρα ἐξ ἡμεδίμνο τὠπόλλωνι πλακόντινα, τῆι Ἑκά-
τηι δὲ χωρίς. γίνεται Ὀνιτάδηισιν ἀπὸ μολπῶν ὀσφύες πᾶσαι ἐκτὸς ὧν οἱ
στεφανηφόροι ἴσχοσιν, δέρματα πάντα, θυαλήματα τρία ἀπ’ ἱερήο ἑκάστο, θύ-
ων τὰ περιγινόμενα, οἶνον τὸν ἐν τῶι κρητῆρι περιγινόμενον, πεμπὰς τῆς ἡ-
40μέρης· ὅ τι ἂν τούτων μὴ ποιῶσιν, Ὀνιτάδαι, ἕαδε μολποῖσιν ἐπὶ Χαροπίνο στε-
φανηφόρος ἀπὸ τῶν Ἰστιηίων παρέχεν· ὅ τι δ’ ἂν Ὀνιτάδαι χρηιίζωσιν, ἕαδε μολποῖ-
σι στεφανηφόροισιν ἐπιτετράφθαι. ^vacat
^vacat
τῶι κήρυκι ἀτελείη ἐμ μολπῶι πάντων καὶ λάξις σπλάγχνων ἀπὸ θυῶν ἑκασ-
τέων καὶ οἴνο φορὴ ἐς τὰ ψυκτήρια τέλεσι τοῖς ἑωυτο̑, ὁ δ’ οἶνος ἀπὸ μολπῶ⌈ν⌉Ι γίνεται.
^vacat
45τῶι ὠιδῶι δεῖπνον παρέχει ὁ ἱέρ⟨ε⟩ως, ἄριστον δὲ ὡισυμνήτης.

Translation

When Philtes, son of Dionysios, was aisymnetes of the Molpoi, the companions were: from the Oinopes, Agamedes, son of Aristokrates; from the Hoplethes, Lykos, son of Kleas, Bion, son of Apollodoros; from the Boreis, Kretheus, son of Hermonax, Thrason, son of Antileon. The Molpoi decided that, having written up the rites, to place them in (5) the sanctuary and to use these; and the following writings were set up in this way during the Hebdomaia.

On the 8th (of Taureon), the aisymnetes of the Molpoi [... unintelligible ...] the sacred portions or viscera for those offering libations; the aisymnetes and the companion consume (wine), once the libations have been poured from all kraters and they have sung paeans. On the 9th, from the sacrum and the fifth part, which the stephanephoroi obtain, (10) the new (aisymnetes) receives the same portions from these. They start to sacrifice the animals (i.e. make first-offerings) from these to Apollo Delphinios; and kraters are mixed in the same way as during the molpon and a paean takes place, and the outgoing aisymnetes sacrifices from the halves (of the animals?) to Hestia, and let him pour a libation from kraters himself and sing a paean. On the 10th, contests; and two adult sacrificial animals are given by the Molpoi to the stephanephoroi, (15) and (these) are sacrificed to Apollo Delphinios, and both the new stephanephoros and the priest contend, and they drink the wine of the Molpoi, and libations are poured from kraters in the same way as during the molpon; and the outgoing aisymnetes provides the same as an Onitades and receives the same as an Onitades.

Whenever the stephanephoroi go to Didyma, the city should provide three adult sacrificial animals as a hecatomb; of these, one is female, but one is uncastrated. (20) For the molpon, the city gives an adult sacrificial animal during the Targelia and another during the Metageitnia, and during the Hebdomaia, (the city should give) two adult animals; and for each festival, the ancient chous. The basileus attends (all) these rites, but does not receive anything more than the other Molpoi.

And the stephanephoroi start to sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios in (the month) Taureon, making first-offerings from the left portions, and when he (sic) has mixed (25) four kraters; and they carry two gylloi; one gyllos, wreathed, is placed next to Hecate who is in front of the city-gates, and let them make libations of unmixed wine, but the other is placed at the gates in Didyma; and having made these actions, they travel the wide road up to Akros, and from Akros through the oak-wood; and a paean is first sung next to Hecate who is in front of the city-gates, next to Dynamis, then in the meadow on Akron next to the Nymphs, then next to Hermes Enkelados (or: in Kelados), (30) next to Phylios, down Keraites, (and finally) next to the statues of Chares; but in the "all-sacrifice" year, a flayed animal is sacrificed next to Keraites, while offerings to be burned are sacrificed each year next to Phylios.

The provisioning (prescribed) to the Onitadai (consists) of (objects in) ceramic, iron, bronze, wood, of water, round platters, a torch, mats, wood-blocks on which to cut portions of meat, bindings for the sacrificial animals; from the stephanephoroi, (35) a lamp and oil (are to be provided); (the Onitadai are also in charge of?) the roasting of viscera, the boiling of meat, the boiling and division of the sacrum and the fifth part which the stephanephoroi get, the obtention by lot of a portion; they are to bake cakes from a half-medimnos (of flour), to Apollo flat ones, but to Hecate differently; the Onitadai obtain all the sacrums from the Molpoi, except those which the stephanephoroi get, all the hides, three portions of meat from each sacrificial animal, the remainder of the offerings to be burned, the wine remaining in the krater, the fifth part of the day. (40) Whatever of these things the Onitadai do not do, the Molpoi under Charopinos decided that the stephanephoroi are to provide it from what belongs to Hestia; whatever the Onitadai lack, the Molpoi decided that it be entrusted to the stephanephoroi.

The herald has freedom from all obligations during the molpon, and (the right of) obtaining by lot viscera from each of the sacrificial animals, and (the right of) transportation of wine to the coolers at his own expense, but the wine comes from the Molpoi.

(45) The priest provides a dinner to the singer, but the aisymnetes gives him a breakfast.

Traduction

Alors que Philtès, fils de Dionysios, était aisymnète des Molpes, les compagnons étaient : des Oinopes, Agamedès, fils d’Aristokratès, des Hoplethes, Lykos, fils de Kleas, Bion, fils d’Apollodoros, des Boreis, Kretheus, fils d’Hermonax, Thrason, fils d’Antileon. Il a plu aux Molpes que les rites, après avoir été transcrits, soient placés dans (5) le sanctuaire et qu’il en soit fait usage. Et voici les prescriptions qui ont été établies lors des Hebdomaia.

Le 8 (Taureon), l’aisymnète des Molpes [... (incompréhensible) ...] les parts sacrées ou les viscères à ceux qui offrent des libations; l’aisymnète et le compagnon consomment (du vin), après que les libations ont été versées des cratères et qu’ils ont entonné le péan. Le 9, du sacrum et de la cinquième part qu’obtiennent les stéphanéphores, (10) le nouvel (aisymnète) reçoit les mêmes portions. Ils commencent à sacrifier les animaux par celles-ci pour Apollon Delphinios. Les cratères sont mélangés de la même manière que pendant le molpon et un péan intervient; par ailleurs, l’aisymnète sortant sacrifie à Hestia à partir des moitiés, et que la libation soit versée des cratères et qu’il entonne le péan. Le 10, concours, et que deux animaux sacrificiels adultes soient donnés par les Molpes aux stéphanéphores, (15) et qu’on (les) sacrifie à Apollon Delphinios; les nouveaux stéphanéphores et le prêtre s’affrontent au concours, ils boivent du vin des Molpes, et des libations sont versées des cratères tout comme durant le molpon. Par ailleurs, l’aisymnète sortant fournit la même chose qu’un Onitadès et reçoit la même chose qu’un Onitadès.

Quand les stéphanéphores se rendent à Didymes, la cité doit fournir trois animaux sacrificiels adultes en hécatombe, dont une femelle et un mâle non-castré. (20) Pour le molpon, la cité doit fournir un animal sacrificiel adulte aux Targelia et, aux Metageitnia, un animal sacrificiel adulte, et aux Hebdomaia, deux animaux adultes et, à chaque occasion, l’ancien chous. Le basileus assiste à ces rites, mais il ne reçoit rien de plus que les autres Molpes.

En Taureon, les stéphanéphores commencent à sacrifier à Apollon Delphinios, ayant procédé aux offrandes préliminaires par les portions de gauche et quand il (sic) a mélangé (25) quatre cratères; ils apportent deux gylloi, l’un deux, couronné, est déposé près d’Hécate qui est devant les portes — et ils doivent procéder aux libations de vin pur, — tandis que l’autre est placé aux portes à Didymes. Une fois ces actes accomplis, ils parcourent la grand-route jusqu’à l’Akros et, depuis l’Akros, à travers la forêt de chênes. Le péan est d’abord entonné près d’Hécate qui est devant les portes, ensuite près de Dynamis, puis dans la prairie sur l’Akros près des Nymphes, ensuite près d’Hermès Enkelados (ou au Kelados), (30) près de Phylios, en contrebas de Keraitès, près des statues de Charès. D’autre part, au cours de l’année de « tous les sacrifices », un animal écorché est sacrifié près de Keraitès, tandis que, près de Phylios, des offrandes à brûler sont sacrifiées chaque année.

La fourniture qui incombe aux Onitadai (consiste) en (objets de) céramique, fer, bronze, bois, en eau, en plats ronds, ainsi qu’une torche, des nattes, des planches à découper la viande, des entraves pour les animaux sacrificiels. Auprès des stéphanéphores, (35) une lampe et de l’huile. (Les Onitadai prennent également en charge ?) le rôtissage des viscères, la cuisson des viandes, la cuisson et la découpe du sacrum et de la cinquième part que les stéphanéphores reçoivent, la dévolution d’une portion par le sort. Qu’ils préparent des gâteaux avec un demi-setier (de farine), pour Apollon, des galettes plates, mais autrement pour Hécate. Il revient aux Onatidai tous les sacrums des Molpes, exception faite de ceux que reçoivent les stéphanéphores, toutes les peaux, trois parts de viande provenant de chaque animal sacrificiel, le reste des offrandes à brûler, le reste du vin des cratères, la cinquième part du jour. (40) Si les Onitadai ne remplissent pas une de leurs obligations, les Molpes sous Charopinos ont décidé que les stéphanéphores y pourvoiraient à partir de ce qui appartient à Hestia; et, si les Onitades ont besoin de quelque chose, les Molpes ont décidé d’en confier le soin aux stéphanéphores.

Le héraut est exempt de charges durant le molpon, et il a droit à des viscères tirés au sort sur chaque animal, et (le droit) d’amener le vin aux glacières à ses propres frais, mais le vin provient des Molpes.

(45) Le prêtre offre le dîner au chanteur, mais l’aisymnète lui offre le déjeuner.

Commentary

(NB. all general references to Herda are Herda 2006 unless otherwise stated.)

This is one of the most complex ritual norms in the present Collection, as fascinatingly detailed as it is frustratingly difficult to interpret. A major component of this difficulty lies in the complex history of the composition of the document. The rites of the Molpoi are often thought to reach back to a very ancient period, perhaps as far back as the 8th century BC, or at least the early Archaic period. Occasional incoherences in the document have led to some scholars—see already Rehm, most recently Herda—detecting many layers of composition in the dossier. Herda dates the core of the text, lines 6-40, to 540/539 or 525/4 BC; Rehm, p. 279, dated it to the period before the Persian destruction of 494 BC. The earliest known reference to the Molpoi at Miletos is in the famous list of these officials, which provides their dates for the late Archaic and Classical periods (Milet I.3 122, running from 522/1 to 311/0 BC; see also below). But the text itself reveals nothing tangible about the antiquity of the rites concerned. At any rate, this much is clear: in the year 447/6 BC (see Parker, adopting the chronology of the aisymnetai espoused by Rhodes; the traditional dating, followed by Herda, is three years earlier), the group of Molpoi decided to write up the specific rites which form the core of lines 1-42. The inscription also briefly refers to an anterior decision of the Molpoi passed in 476/5 (lines 40-42). This is cited after the main body of the text and the section concerning the Onitadai as a further clarification; all that it demonstrates is that rules concerning the Onitadai already existed for the group in 476/5 BC. Two further small appended texts follow after some blanks space on the stone: lines 43-44 and 45 respectively. These addenda are undated and may have belonged to the wider set of the rules of the group in the mid-5th century BC, or have been passed at a date after 447/6. In other words, the document is a composite dossier: it represents an effort to codify the rules of the group, particularly concerning sacrifices and festival occasions. What is more, this copy of the dossier must belong to the late Hellenistic period. On the context of the inscribing of this dossier, however, we are relatively poorly informed, since no Hellenistic introduction to the reinscribed document is provided. The letterforms have traditionally suggested a date of ca. 100 BC for the act of reinscribing the earlier documents of the group (so Rehm). Herda has plausibly suggested that these might be earlier, perhaps ca. 200 BC. Though found in a context of reuse, the inscription is almost certainly associated with the new portico of the Delphinion which was built in the Hellenistic period. On this structure, see now Herda 2011; for the Delphinion at Miletos, centered around the worship of Apollo and associated gods, see also here CGRN 6, lines 12-13, and CGRN 100. In this context, Herda also interestingly suggests that the act of the Molpoi could be connected with the inauguration of the Panhellenic agon of the Didymeia at the end of the 3rd century BC. At this date, it is known that the Didymeia became a penteteric festival, with annual celebrations in other years being called Boegia (Milet I.3 145, 206/5 BC). Less clear, however, is exactly how the procession described by the Molpoi in the early or mid-5th century BC might have provided a pattern for the Hellenistic Didymeia and Boegia. It does seem to have been less precisely dated than some of the other rituals mentioned in the dossier (cf. esp. lines 18-19: ὅταν στεφανηφόροι ἴωσιν ἐς Δίδυμα...). Moreover, Herda has plausibly (cf. also Parker's cautious approval) identified the precursor for this special, less frequent celebration of the Didymeia, with the year called Panthyos in the dossier of the Molpoi: cf. lines 30-31 (see below there).

Contrary to previous editions, including Herda, we prefer to present the text of the inscription for the most part without corrections and essentially as republished by the Molpoi in the Hellenistic period; we also tend to agree with Chaniotis that the text retranscribed, whatever its failings, was not intended to be obscure or elliptical, but rather essentially intelligible for the practical purposes of performing. As Herda's commentary makes clear (see also above), these were rituals which still continued in some form in the Hellenistic period and lasted well into the Roman era (cf. e.g. Milet I.3 134). The dossier as we have it treats these in considerable detail. After a preamble relating to the decree of 447/6 BC (lines 1-6), the regulation appears to deal with three specific days of a month; the 7th is mentioned obliquely in line 6. These are the 8th (lines 6-8), the 9th (lines 8-13), and the 10th (lines 13-18); Herda plausibly argues that these rituals are to be dated in the month Taureon, the first of the Milesian year (this does not de facto make them "New Year" celebrations, as rightly criticised by Chaniotis and Parker). These dated rituals in particular seem concerned with the transition of the officials of the group that the New Year entailed: particularly concerned is the chief of the body, the aisymnetes, which is envisaged as "going out" of his office, ὁ δὲ ἐξιὼν αἰσυμνήτης (see lines 12 and 17), while new stephanephoroi, probably including the new aisymnetes (see line 10: ὁ νέος), enter into function and also perform rituals (see esp. lines 15-17; for similar rituals and sacrifices made in Taureon by gymnasiarchs who enter and leave office, see CGRN 248, Fr. A, lines 19-28). After these dated entries, lines 18-19 seem to introduce the consideration that the stephanephoroi might go to Didyma, making a procession. In fact, these lines are clearly concerned with the provision of sacrificial animals by the city (ἡ πόλις διδοῖ) and cohere well with the following lines (20-23), which also treat this subject for other festivals of the Molpoi. Lines 23-31 reprise the brief introduction of lines 18-19 and discuss the procession to Didyma in detail. As Herda convincingly argues, this might have taken place directly after the 10th of Taureon; the timing is relatively clear from the phrase ἄρχονται οἱ στεφανηφόροι Ταυρεῶνος in lines 23-24, but the precise chronology of the dates within this month remains unclear as far as the procession is concerned (see also above and below for the uncertainty of the exact date and periodicity). A next large section of the regulations (lines 31-42) discusses the rights and duties of a gentilicial group called the Onitadai; this group acts as cultic officials or sacrificial assistants and the rules seem to apply to any day of the rituals performed by the Molpoi (cf. esp. lines 40-42). As mentioned above, the dossier concludes with two further addenda, lines 43-44 and 45, concerning the herald and the cantor respectively, which are separated by empty space.

Far from being a "private" association in any strict sense, the Molpoi were manifestly an independent body with an intricate relationship to the Milesian state. In fact, their political significance was such that they were still considered in the Hellenistic period as a body that could prosecute cases or formulate legal objections concerning rights of citizenship at Miletos: cf. Milet I.3 143A, 212/1 BC; Milet I.3 150, ca. 180-161 BC). The annual political and religious official of the group was called the aisymnetes (literally "ruler" or "arbiter"), and this man served as the eponymous official of Miletos from the late Archaic period to the Roman, as the lists in Milet I.3 122-128 make apparent; the last of these lists (running from AD 24/5 to 34/5) also seems to imply some form of distinction between the roles of stephanephoros and aisymnetes, since it is headed: στεφανηφόροι οἱ καὶ αἰσυμνῆται; it is also noteworthy that no direct attribution of these officials to the Molpoi is mentioned at this date. This has caused some uncertainty about whether the two roles are to be closely identified or not (see Herda and Chaniotis for differing points of view; for the use of the term stephanephoros—with his προσέταιροι—as the eponymous official at Miletos in the mid-Hellenistic period, see Milet I.3 143A, and Milet I.3 150, and cp. also much later sources like Milet I.3 121, dated October 177 AD; yet the term aisymnetes also clearly continued to be used for this official and his cultic duties, cf. CGRN 248). The identity of the group of stephanephoroi among the Molpoi is also not completely clear, though the "outgoing" and new aisymnetai will have formed part of it. Similarly, the "fellow-companions", προσέταιροι, who are found associated with the aisymnetes, are likely to have been included in the group (cp. also the fragmentary IGDO 2, from the Milesian colony of Olbia, ca. 450 BC). Line 15 further makes clear that the priest—i.e. the priest of Apollo Delphinios in Miletos (presumably appointed for life in the Archaic and Classical periods)—, was also considered a stephanephoros and a member of the Molpoi. For this priest of Apollo and the festival of Apollo Delphinios, see also here CGRN 6, lines 12-13, and CGRN 100. Though some uncertainties therefore remain, we can nevertheless be sure that the dossier of the Molpoi was concerned with the annual transition between the old and new aisymnetes at the beginning of the New Year in Taureon (see also above). Moreover, how exactly the wider group of officials or stephanephoroi were involved in this process of appointing a new aisymnetes remains unclear, except for the rituals detailed in the inscription. Another member of these "crown-bearers" or at least of the wider group of the Molpoi was the Basileus (as implied by lines 23-24, where he receives a portion of the meat by lot "no greater than the other Molpoi": λαγχάνει δὲ οὐδὲν πλῆον τῶν ἄλλων μολπῶν). This was another prominent official at Miletos (he was issued from the genos of the Neleidai, the descendants of Neleus, mythical founder of the city); cf. also here CGRN 6, lines 3-5 (sacrifices to Dionysus), and CGRN 100, line 5 (having the option of obtaining a thigh from sacrifices made in the Delphinion).

As relatively clear as all of that may be, it should also be especially underlined here that the Molpoi, as presented in this inscription, were essentially a cultic group, focussed on several annual ritual occasions. Some of these festivals are detailed in the dossier, others only mentioned allusively (they were perhaps more explicitly defined in other documents of the group or of the city of Miletos). The rituals are defined by the group not only as sacrifices, but as ὄργια. This word has little if any of the connotation of "secret" or "mystic rites" here (cf. LSJ s.v.), but instead seems to point more to the ecstatic (sc. inebriated) and musical worship found somewhat more typically for gods such as Dionysus, or figures like Orpheus and Eumolpus (see Hdt. 2.81, E. Ba. 34, Theoc. 26.13), rather than for Apollo. More particularly, the role of the Molpoi—a word meaning something like "musical modulators"—as musicians should not be forgotten (see also rightly Georgoudi). It is particularly clear that most of the rituals undertaken by the group involved the singing of paeans in honour of Apollo (see lines 8, 13, 28ff.), usually preceded by wine-drinking; for paians in the cult of Apollo, see also CGRN 76 (Erythrai), lines 34-36. Here, we most markedly take our distance from the interpretations in the recent commentary of Herda. In our view, the references to the word μολπός or μολπόν in the singular in the text (which is not otherwise attested, cf. LSJ s.v.) cannot be interpreted as any sort of physical object or structure; molpon was taken by Herda to mean "the house (of the Molpoi)", a view also criticised by Parker and Chaniotis respectively. More plausibly, the interpretation (see also Chaniotis, p. 379) should be that *μολπόν (*μολπός) was a ritual occasion, involving music and song (cp. μολπή) and drinking, in the context of festival sacrifices. This is especially clear from the phrase found in lines 20-22: the city provides sacrificial animals for the *μολπόν (*μολπός), i.e. the ritual of the Molpoi which takes place during the festivals (ὁ[ρ]τῆς ἑκάστης) of the Targelia, Metageitnia, and Hebdomaia. On other days than these three traditional festivals, which are not otherwise described, reference is made to what happened during the *μολπόν (*μολπός) which took place during the festivals, particularly the filling of kraters with wine or the pouring of libations: cf. lines 11-12 (9th of Taureon: κρητῆρες κιρνέαται κατόπερ ἐμμολπῶι), lines 16-17 (10th of Taureon: καὶ κρητῆρες σπένδονται κατόπερ ἐμμολπῶι). It is clear that wine was obtained in substantial quantities by the group for these libation rituals and drinking parties (for wine belonging to the Molpoi, see lines 16: οἶνον πίνοσι τὸμ μολπῶν; cf. also line 44 below). Other elements of the dossier can readily follow this interpretation. The contests (ἁμιλλητήρια, lines 13-18) held between the stephanephoroi are most likely to have been ones of song and musical modulation, while also perhaps pointing to a quasi-symposiastic context, since much drinking again seems to have been involved (see also Herda, p. 96-115). The two small rules appended below the main body of the text, lines 43-44 and 45 respectively, add some further details to this wider context: a herald was to be present at the rituals of the group, obtaining portions and participating in its wine-drinking, as well as no doubt making proclamations, arbitrating the contests, and/or participating in the singing; a special singer or cantor was to be provided both a lunch by the aisymnetes and a dinner by the priest—this should imply that his services were retained on a regular basis, perhaps for rituals lasting a whole day or into the night. For other groups of Molpoi as cultic officials in Ionian cities, see e.g. I.Ephesos 900-901 (2nd century BC) and Herda.

Lines 4-6 (preamble and Hebdomaia, Taureon 7): The decree of the Molpoi resolves to write down the ὄργια (on this term, see above) and to set them up in the sanctuary (θεῖναι ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν), which must of course refer to the Delphinion where the inscription was found (see also above). The regulation thereby become enacted and in use, with the ὄργια being employed (καὶ χρῆσθαι τούτοισιν). A further clause defines the introduction of the writings themselves (καὶ οὕτωι τάδε γραφθέντα ἐτέθη). The following word, Ἑβδομαίοισι, causes some problems of interpretation. There are perhaps three ways in which it might be taken. On one view, the Hebdomaia could introduce all the rituals which follow, definining them as having happened "during the festival of the Hebdomaia"; this would be extremely odd, since the rituals themselves are "of the 7th day", not of the 8th-10th which then follow. On another, widely held view (Wilamowitz; see recently Herda), the specification of what happened during the Hebdomaia has simply been omitted or dropped out here (this is reflected by the use of an ellipsis in many editions). But it is clear that the Hebdomaia involved a *μολπόν/*μολπός, sacrifices, and the pouring of libations: cf. lines 21-22. A third option, suggested here by Carbon, would be that the Hebdomaia are indeed not described—just like the other festivals mentioned in 20-21, they would presumably have been defined elsewhere—but, syntactically, the mention of the festival properly belongs as a temporal expression with the previous phrase: καὶ οὕτωι τάδε γραφθέντα ἐτέθη; on this reading, the Hebdomaia would thus provide the context for when the meeting of the Molpoi was held and when the stele was set up, a dating formula for enactment of the dossier. At any rate, what is particularly clear is that the Hebdomaia formed one of the major festival occasions for the Molpoi, being a sacred day of Apollo. Properly speaking, they will have immediately preceded the ὄργια which they define for the 8th to 10th of Taureon; it also possible that they recurred on the 7th day of other months. The 7th day of the month was sacred to Apollo, being reckoned his birthday. Cf. e.g. here CGRN 52 (Erchia), col. Α, lines A24-37 + col. Γ, lines 32-38 + col. Ε, lines 32-47, or the Hebdomaion (i.e. monthly?) sacrifice known in Athens, see also CGRN 45, fr. 6, lines 7-10. At Miletos, note especially the festival of Apollo Delphinios that was announced on the 6th of an unknown month at Miletos, as attested in the Archaic sacrificial calendar of the city: CGRN 6, lines 12-13. From another Archaic Ionian city, Chios, it is known that the Boule convened on the third day after the Hebdomaia (Meiggs-Lewis, SGHI 8, lines C3-6: τῆι τρίτηι | ἐξ Ἑβδομαίων | βολὴ ἀγερέσθ|ω ἡ δημοσίη), which could provide a partial parallel for the political and religious importance of this celebration at Miletos.

Lines 6-18 (Taureon 8-10): As plausibly reconstructed by Herda, these constitute the first three days of ὄργια celebrated by the group in the month Taureon, after the Hebdomaia mentioned in line 6. For the 8th day, we are apparently to assume that many kraters have been filled with wine, sacrifices have been made, and celebrations are about to begin. The first word of this entry does not readily make sense in the form attested on the stone: ΑΠΟΛΕΙΚΑΙ. A verb is clearly needed, of which the aisymnetes is the subject, strangely postponed to the end of the phrase; it is also unclear if the new or "outgoing" aisymnetes is meant. This verb is needed to qualify what happened to the hiera and viscera "for those who perform libations" (σπείσοσι; apparently not 3rd pl. aorist subj. σπείσωσι, but rather dat. pl. of the future participle, σπείσουσι, with Ionic long o; the article τοῖς might also have been expected). The first word has been variously interpreted (see Herda's apparatus criticus), while many have cautiously preferred to leave the traces unexplained (Wilamowitz, for instance, gave up on almost the whole of this phrase in desperation). The proposal of some and Herda's translation would have the aisymnetes "revealing", "bringing forward" or simply "giving" (thinking of a form of ἀποδίδωμι?) the relevant portions to those making libations. The second phrase is perhaps equally problematic, since its interpretation again depends on the significance of the verb, here a singular form with a plural subject: both the aisymnetes and one "companion" (ὁ προσέταιρος). Whereas previous editors try to interpret the verb as a form of προσαιρέομαι (which also requires a correction of προσέταιρος as the subject, implying that the aisymnetes "takes these men as his companions"), Herda's ingenious suggestion would make it derive from προσαίρω, which in the middle voice would yield a sense of "consuming" or "drinking together". Parker criticises this reading for lacking an object; but wine could of course be implicit, as in the many cases of σπένδω found in the text, and furthermore, the sense of Herda's suggestion is excellent: the aisymnetes and one of the προσέταιροι who accompanies him only begin to drink once libations have been poured from all the kraters and a paean has been sung in honour of Apollo. The passive of the verb σπένδω here appears to be used in the sense of "to pour libations from". For the two following days, the sense of the individual phrases is perhaps clearer. On the 9th, we begin with sacrificial particularities, the ὁ νέος, presumably the new aisymnetes is to be entitled to obtain by lot (προλαγχάνει) the same portions (τὰ ἰσε̑α) from special parts of the sacrificial animal. These are the ὀσφύς, the sacrum or tail of the animal, and the "fifth portion" (πεμπάς), which the stephanephoroi receive (again, Ionic ἴσχοσιν for the present ἴσχουσιν). For the ὀσφύς, cp. here CGRN 100, line 2, where the priest of Apollo Delphinios receives this portion during civic sacrifices. The exact sense of the "fifth portion" is unknown: it could refer to a fifth of the entire remaining meat from the animal (so Herda). But note especially that the obtention of a generic portion, μοίρης λάξις, is clearly distinguished from the πεμπάς in lines 34-35. It might then be better to think that the πεμπάς represented specific anatomical portions, though which ones remains elusive (we might for instance, hypothesise that animals were considered by the Molpoi and Onitadai to have five limbs or extremities; in addition to the tail or ὀσφύς, perhaps the head and the four legs, none of which is explicitly mentioned in the regulations). The next phrase is again somewhat garbled, though the sense is relatively clear. The plural subject might imply that the (new) aisymnetes and one of the προσέταιροι or the stephanephoroi more generally are the subject. These are literally "to begin the sacrifice the sacrificial animals"; ΑΡΧΟ is then seemingly repeated from the verb ἄρχονται but also appropriately identifies the ritual gesture as coming ἀπὸ τούτων, i.e. from the sacrificial animals. In other words, reading the preposition with the verb, makes us look to ἀπάρχομαι: the ritual agents begin to sacrifice the animals by making first-offerings to Apollo Delphinios. In this sense, the phrase seems to match closely another found at lines 23-24, where both ἄρχονται ... θύειν and ἀπαρξάμενοι is found (see also Herda; ΑΡΧΟ is thus perhaps to be corrected into something like ἀπαρξάμενοι). While once again kraters are mixed (i.e. wine is poured into them and mixed) and a paean is sung, the "outgoing" aisymnetes appears to be solely in charge of the rituals; he himself (αὐτός) pours the libation and sings the paean. After the offering of first-fruits to Apollo Delphinios, the "outgoing" aisymnetes also appears to be responsible for a sacrifice to Hestia which analogously comes "from the halves", "from the half-portions" (ἀπὸ τῶν ἡμίσεων). This would seem to imply the sacrificial animals were separated into two lateral hemispheres, the left and the right; the left portions, as in lines 23-24 (ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν), would be used to provide first-offerings for the sacrifice to Apollo, while the right, implicitly in this case, were used for the sacrifice to Hestia. There is no other evidence of a hearth and the cult of Hestia in the Delphinion (but cf. Herda). The 10th day or night (not the night of the 9th, so Herda) is defined as one of contests, ἁμιλλητήρια. For the preliminaries, the Molpoi provided two adult sacrificial animals to the group of the stephanephoroi for a sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios. As well explained already by Wilamowitz (citing H. Od. 8.258ff.; see now Herda), the Hamilleteria or contests were no doubt to be ones of song and dance, appropriately for the group of "musical modulators" that are the Molpoi; cf. also e.g. E. Iph.Taur. 1138-1151. These involved the new stephanephoroi (i.e. the new aisymnetes as well as his "fellows", προσέταιροι?) as well as the priest of Apollo Delphinios (also a stephanephoros, though implicitly not annual or new). During these celebrations which seem to only involve the group of stephanephoroi, the "outgoing" aisymnetes is to serve in an ancillary capacity: he provides all the necessary supplies for the sacrifice as an Onitades and receives some compensation as a member of that group would; on the Onitadai, see below lines 31-42. To summarise these three days of rituals is difficult, but they do seem to celebrate the inauguration of the new officials, specifically the transition between the "outgoing" and the new aisymnetes, as Herda has also underlined: on the 8th, perhaps the new aisymnetes begins his ritual duties in assisting the libations and is the first to drink with his companion once these are completed; on the 9th, the new aisymnetes becomes an equal sharer of special portions and probably participates in first-fruit offerings, while the outgoing aisymnetes uses half of the portions to make first-fruits to Hestia; on the 10th, competitions occur involving the new aisymnetes among others, and the "outgoing" aisymnetes is now somewhat distanced from the larger group of celebrants, the stephanephoroi, serving them as an Onitades would, i.e. as a sacrificial assistant only. For first-fruit offerings made to Apollo followed by collective drinking, cp. the rituals of the Labyadai during the Boukatia, CGRN 82 (Delphi), Face D, lines 43-51. For other "orgiastic" rituals involving the use of kraters (namely, the verb κρατηρίζω) and implying the drinking of large quantities of wine, see here the rituals of the cult of the Korybantes at Erythrai, CGRN 98.

Lines 18-23 (provisions of the city): This section of the regulations is concerned with the supply of sacrificial animals and other equipment by the city for some of the other ritual celebrations in which the Molpoi took part and which involved a traditional *μολπόν (*μολπός), ritual of drinking and song. This notably included an ancient chous in the possession of the community, which was presumably used to serve wine or make libations; cp. the chous provided to the priestly personnel, presumably by the city, in the sacrificial calendar at Miletos: CGRN 6, fr. A, lines 7-8. By implication from the fact that most of these occasions are not further described in the dossier, we may consider that these were important civic festivals in which the Molpoi themselves may not have had the principal role, but in which the city nonetheless was responsible for contributing to the sacrifices of the group (thereby of course further underlining their importance for the overall political and religious framework of the community). This is also clear from the fact that the Basileus is mentioned prominently as participating in these occasions, as one of the Molpoi (τούτοισι τοῖς ἱεροῖσιν ὁ βασιλεὺς παρίσταται; see above on this official). At any rate, these were not "minor" feasts of Apollo. With the exception of the Hebdomaia which occur last (but were perhaps a regular celebration, happening every month? see above at lines 4-6), the festivals appear to be listed in chronological order. The first of these celebrations is the procession to Didyma in Taureon, which is reprised in greater detail below in lines 23-31. Here, the concern is to specify that for the annual Hekatomb which will take place in Didyma, the city provides three adult sacrificial animals, one with an unspecified gender, one female and one male (uncastrated). These animals might all be sacrificed to Apollo at Didyma (for both male and female animals offered to this god, cp. CGRN 151, Halasarna, lines 26-27) or they might imply sacrifices to a triad there, such as Apollo, Artemis and Leto. If the latter hypothesis is correct, we might expect Apollo to have received the male animal, while perhaps Leto received the explicitly female one: cp. e.g. CGRN 34 (Epidauros); for an adult ewe offered to Leto, see also CGRN 86 C (Kos), line 4. The second festival mentioned are the Targelia (in the month Targelion, the second in the Milesian calendar), which equally represented one of the most important celebrations of Apollo Delphinios; the god could even be considered to have this additional epithet, Targelios: cp. IGDO 59 (Olbia, 5th century BC). It seems particularly clear from the later sale of the priesthood of Rome at Miletos that a civic festival was held on the 7th of Thargelion, to which the aisymnetes should now add sacrifices to the Roman Demos and to Rome (Milet I.7 203, lines 26-30). A similar parallel is provided by CGRN 81, from Thebes-on-the-Mykale, with reference to the calendar of Miletos; at line 7 there, it seems to be specified that the Targelia may also have included the 8th and 9th days of the month Targelion. For the Thargelia in Athens, see also here CGRN 20, FaceC, lines 5-9, and CGRN 21, lines 3-15. Aside from the Hebdomaia, the last festival mentioned is the Metageitnia, which occured in Metageitnion, the fifth month at Miletos. Information on the date is not as readily available, though the 7th of the month is again a good guess: cp. the 7th of Metageitnion in the genos of the Salaminioi at Athens (CGRN 84, lines 89-90; or the 7th of Pedageitnyos at Kamiros, CGRN 114); more tentatively, the sale of the priesthood of Rome at Miletos might suggest that the 12th of Metageitnion was important occasion for the community: Milet I.7 203, lines 31-33.

Lines 23-31 (procession to Didyma): As discussed above, the procession to Didyma which is also briefly introduced in lines 18-19, forms a part of the ὄργια of the Molpoi codified in this dossier. Herda's commentary (p. 259-385) is masterful on the topography building on the work of other German archaeologists, such as Gödeken and Schneider; we refer the reader to these works for further details and only provide a relatively brief summary as well as some interesting highlights here. It is likely that the procession took place on 10 Taureon or, more probably, shortly afterward. Indeed, the clause which appears to begin the passage here picks up some of the phraseology and rituals mentioned for on the 9th day (see above at lines 6-18) and also vaguely specifies that this is to take place "in Taureon". Specifically, the stephanephoroi are to commence the sacrifice by making first-offerings "from the left portions" (ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν); see again above at lines 6-18. This appears to represent a preliminary sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios in the Delphinion, before the commencement of the procession proper; four kraters are also poured for wine-drinking, presumably by a single individual (the new aisymnetes?) given the participle κρητηρίσας. Next, two objects called γυλλοί are to be set up, demarcating the boundaries of the procession at either end: one next to Hekate at the city-gates is to be crowned and receive libations of unmixed wine, the other is to be placed similarly at the gates of Didyma; Hekate herself was worshipped in the Delphinion, as attested by a small cylindrical altar of the early 5th century BC (Milet I.3 129; for a 6th-century-BC dedication to Hekate and also mentioning Apollo near Didyma—found on road between Tekagaç Burnu and Didyma—see I.Didyma 16). In other words, the γυλλοί serve as markers that frame the processional way, in the next clause defined as "the wide road that leads to the Akros, and from the Akros (height) through the Drymos (wood)"; for all these places, see Herda. Some debate exists concerning the identification of these objects. Recently, Herda plausibly follows the lemma of the Hsch. s.v. γύλλος· κύβος ἢ τετράγωνος λίθος. These would thus have been cuboid or tetragonal sacred stones. But Carbon (2013b) also points out that Hsch. s.v. γυλλοί glosses this as στολμοί, which would point to any form of "equipment", such as objects of cloth, or posts or pillars (the entry for γύλλος would then be a mistake for γύαλος). In this connection, a round limestone block with a *circular* indentation on the upper side has been found, which marked the entrance of Archaic Didyma (cf. Schneider, p. 128-129). We might thus suppose that the γυλλοί were types of objects which more conspicuously announced the procession at hand and which were perhaps lighter than stone cubes to be carried all the way along the procession. The Archaic sacrificial calendar of Miletos confirms that pairs of γυλλοί were used in other sacrifices to define the boundaries of a procession or a celebration in and around the city: CGRN 6, fr. A, lines 1-3. As Herda notes, there are seven principal stops to be made by stephanephoroi on their way from the gates of Miletos to those of Didyma (the symbolic aspects of this number are not so clear, however). This procession would have spanned over 18 km, moving rather slowly with animals; including the stops, it would surely have taken the better part of a day. In a normal year, only paeans were sung at the stops (παιωνίζεται πρῶτον...): 1. Next to Hekate at the gates of Miletos (also with a libation in this case, as we have seen); 2. By Dunamis (Herda, p. 289-293, views this as a personification of the "Power" of the magistrates at Miletos; while recognising that the noun is used rather late of divine force, cf. LSJ s.v. δύναμις VI and VII, Herda's interpretation is probably to be cautioned); 3. By the Nymphs (attested also epigraphically in a now lost boustrophedon inscription on a seated female statuette, see Herda); 4. By Hermes Egkelados (Herda supposes that this refers to a potamonym near Panormos, close to the city—Keladon was a hero living in Oikous; but an inscription, on an astragalos, may point to ΕΓΚΕΛΑΔΟ|Σ as an epithet in and of itself; see also Hsch. s.v. ᾿Εγκέλαδος for an epithet of Athena meaning "Noisy" or perhaps "Clamorous", based on the name of a giant); 5. By Phylios (probably an epithet of Apollo, but not one necessarily having link to the tribes of Miletos, pace Herda; cp. e.g. Str. 9.5.14 on Φύλλιος in Thessaly, perhaps Apollo or Zeus named after a local mountain); 6. Below (κατά) Keraites (clearly an epithet of Apollo again; Herda cites EM for this, itself referring to Callimachus, but this does not show any "initiatic" connotations of the god; he is also known in Cyprus—SEG 20, 138—and in Arkadia); 7. Finally, the last paean is performed παρὰ Χαρέω ἀνδριᾶσιν (these are the well-known seated statues of the kings of Teichioussa and the Branchidai found outside the gates of the sanctuary at Didyma; cf. esp. I.Didyma 6, ca. 570-550 BC: Χαρῆς εἰμι ὀ Κλέσιος Τειχιόσης ἀρχός· ἄγαλμα το̑ Ἀπόλλωνος; these statues, while not divine, had a century later perhaps assumed a form of heroic status, or alternatively, were viewed as referring to Apollo himself, as notably read in the dedicatory phrase ἄγαλμα το̑ Ἀπόλλωνος). The passage concludes, lines 30-31, with a description of the few sacrifices along the processional way that took place. The first, to Keraites, occurred during the Panthyos year (τῶι πανθύωι ἔτει); on this specific year, occurring with an unknown periodicity but perhaps a precursor to the penteteric Didymeia of the late Hellenistic period, see above. The sacrifice in this case was intriguingly a flayed animal, δαρτόν, which might resonate with the epithet of the god (the hide perhaps being treated separately as "horned" remnant of the sacrifice; on flayed sacrificial animals, see here CGRN 26, Athens, Face B, lines 2-3, and CGRN 66, Chios, line 11). Sacrifices to Phylios, uniquely of all the gods on the processional way, take place every year; it is unclear why this is the case. The word θύον in the plural should probably, as often, refer to the offering of vegetal, such as incense for burning (this would also mean that the sacrifice could be expediently accomplished); alternatively, θύα might refer to generic sacrificial animal, more usually called θύματα (in this case, one each year); cp. θύα (from θύος there?) in this sense at line 43.

Lines 31-42 (duties and privileges of the Onitadai): This large final section of the dossier (aside from the later addenda) introduces the Onitadai, which were earlier alluded to in lines 17-18; there is notably also a reference to an earlier decree of the Molpoi, lines 40-42, which seems to have discussed from which sources of income the Onitadai were to derive the provisions that they needed to furnish for the sacrifices; if funds were lacking, the stephanephoroi would see to this; if the Onitadai failed in some respect with regard to their duty, money ἀπὸ τῶν Ἰστιηίων, i.e. probably from the treasury of Hestia in the sanctuary of the Molpoi, would be used. As far as one can reconstruct it, the Onitadai were a genos or clan of ritual specialists at Miletos, deriving their name from a legendary hero or ancestor (probably the son of Heracles called Onites: see Herda), and with a special tie to the rituals of the Molpoi. The first section of the passage discusses the items which they must provide for each ritual occasion, no doubt during both the ὄργια described in the dossier and the other occasions when a *μολπόν took place. These involves ceramic ware, iron and bronze implements, wood for the sacrifices and water for dowsing, as well as a few other objects. The κύκλοι mentioned here were probably circular trays or platters for the carrying of meat and other offerings, cp. the bronze κύκλος involved in the sacrifices of the cult of Diomedon on Kos, CGRN 96, line 130. The torch then mentioned, along with the lamp and oil (λύχνον καὶ ἄλειφα) provided by the stephanephoroi has led Herda to conclude that some of the rituals of the Molpoi will have taken place at night. This is possible, but the single torch for each ritual may simply have been used to light the fire on the altar during the daytime, while the lamp more plausibly provided illumination for the nocturnal drinking parties of the Molpoi. The ῥιποί were straw-mats for the laying of meat and other elements of the rituals; these are not to be taken with κρέα ἐπιδιαιρε̑ν (pace Herda), as Carbon has argued (p. 32 n. 20). Rather, the epexegetic infinitive is to be taken with the following word φαλαγκτηρίων. These are blocks of wood (as LSJ correctly understands the hapax legomenon; cf. s.v. φάλαγξ II) used “for cutting up meat”, i.e. wooden chopping-blocks or cutting-boards. Noteworthy is also the mention here, rarely found otherwise in epigraphical sources, of ties (δεσμοί, i.e. ropes or chains?) for the sacrificial animals. Next we find a wholly remarkable list of the duties that the Onitadai undertook during the sacrifices, after providing these furnishings. The sense of the list is not completely clear since abstract nouns in -σις usually follow nouns in the genitive, except in the first case. We have an epigraphically rare attestation of the roasting of viscera (ὄπτησις σπλάγχνων), presumably over the altar fire as is often depicted in Greek vase painting (see Ekroth, p. 94-95). This is followed by the boiling of meats (see Ekroth, p. 99). The next elements of this phrase would seem to imply that the Onitadai boiled and divided (ἕψησις καὶ διαίρεσις) both the ὀσφύς and the enigmatic portion called the πεμπάς (see above at lines 6-18). It would strange for the ὀσφύς to be boiled, since it was usually set on the altar fire to become curled: see esp. here CGRN 42 (Iasos), line 2. Perhaps only the πεμπάς was meant, but the preserved syntax makes this unlikely. Another clause defines the offering of cakes to Apollo and Hekate; the Onitadai are presumably to concoct these (ἐπιπέσσεν). The rule seems to draw a distinction between the cakes offered to Apollo and Hekate. The usual way of interpreting the phrase (see also Herda) is that it distinguished the flat cakes (ἔλατρα ... πλακόντινα) that were made for Apollo from a half-medimnos of flour, from those for Hekate, that were made "separately" (χωρίς) or in a different place. There are perhaps two better ways of interpreting the adverb χωρίς here. First, it could imply that the cakes for Hekate were simply made "without" the flour used for Apollo (cf. LSJ s.v. χωρίς II); the cakes might then have been "wheat-free", made of honey or other substances. Second, χωρίς might mean that the cakes for Hekate were made "differently" (cf. LSJ s.v. χωρίς 2 and II.4) from those for Apollo, i.e. moulded in a different shape than as πλακόντινα, to which χωρίς is most likely to be in opposition (cakes for Hekate are known to have ressembled the πλακοῦς, while also being lighted with small torches or candles: see Athen. 14.645a). The adjective πλακούντινος denotes that the cakes for Apollo were to be small and round, perhaps shaped like a mallow-seed; for ἐλατήρ as a generic cake or type of cake, see here CGRN 176 (Priene), lines 10-12 (made in the shape of animals?). The Onitadai were not merely butchers or sacrificial assistants (cf. Herda), but seem to have received many privileged portions from the sacrifices, thus testifying to the great honour in which they were held as cultic officials. Among their perquisites are many of those usually reserved for priests: all of the ὀσφύες except the ones granted to the stephanephoroi (presumably these only received one from each sacrifice, while the Onitadai received all the rest if there were more sacrificial animals involved?); all of the valuable skins of the sacrifical animals (for priests receiving these, cf. e.g. CGRN 14, Gortyn, lines 4-6); three θυαλήματα from each sacrificial animal (these were presumably portions of meat, as Herda argues); the remaining incense from the sacrifices (cp. here e.g. CGRN 36, line 3, and CGRN 41, line 9, both from Chios); any remaining wine in the krater; and finally a πεμπὰς "of the day" (τῆς ἡμέρης). As Herda correctly interprets this last phrase, it would seem that the Onitadai received another "fifth" portion just like the stephanephoroi, and the addition of "of the day" might imply that they only received one such portion for each day of the festivals or sacrifices.

Lines 43-44 et 45: On these two addenda concerning the herald and the cantor, both of uncertain date though probably belonging in some measure to the Classical dossier of the Molpoi, see above. It is unclear if the herald is a civic official here or, perhaps less likely, one of the Molpoi himself; a herald was presumably responsible for announcing the civic festival of Apollo Delphinios which is mentioned in the Archaic sacrificial calendar of Miletos, CGRN 6, fr. A, line 12. At any rate, he does not seem to share the same responsibilities as the Onitadai and the Molpoi, being exempt (ἀτελείη) of all supplies during the celebration of a *μολπόν; he may also bring wine to the "coolers" at his own expense, presumably for the drinking-party, but the monopoly for the supply and purchase of the wine seems to belong to the Molpoi. The herald receives small sacrificial perquisites, only a portion obtained by lot of the viscera; for a quarter of the viscera as a standard portion in Karia, cf. here CGRN 42 (Iasos), line 3, with further refs. The singer or cantor (ᾠδός, ἀοιδός) may have been a professional bard that was contracted by the Molpoi for ritual occasions, or a member of the group himself. At any rate, his duties were clearly expected to last for the better part of day or even into the night: aisymnetes was to give him a lunch during the celebrations, while the priest of Apollo was to provide him dinner. For lunches provided to sacrificial performers and attendants, see here CGRN 32 (Thorikos), lines 15-16 (to an attendant; cp. also 2-3), and CGRN 94 (Eleusis), col. A, lines 6-7 (to the hierophant and the herald). For the role of the singer(s) in the cult of Apollo, cf. also CGRN 34 (Epidauros), lines 31-33 (Apollo with Asclepius).

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All citation, reuse or distribution of this work must contain somewhere a link back to the DOI (https://doi.org/10.54510/CGRN201), as well as the year of consultation (see “Home” for details on how to cite or click “Export Citation” to create a reference for this specific file).

Authors

Jan-Mathieu Carbon

How To Cite

Brief citation of the Greek text : CGRN 201, lines x-x.

Reference to the file as a critical study of the inscription : Jan-Mathieu Carbon, "CGRN 201: Dossier of regulations of the Molpoi at Miletos", in Collection of Greek Ritual Norms (CGRN), 2017-, consulted on April 23, 2024. URL: http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be/file/201/; DOI: https://doi.org/10.54510/CGRN201.

Full citation of the CGRN in a list of abbreviations or a bibliography is the following : Jan-Mathieu Carbon, Saskia Peels-Matthey, Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge, Collection of Greek Ritual Norms (CGRN), 2017-, consulted on April 23, 2024. URL: http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be; DOI: https://doi.org/10.54510/CGRN0.

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	    			<title><idno type="filename">CGRN 201</idno>: <rs type="textType" key="dossier of regulations">Dossier of regulations</rs> of the Molpoi at Miletos</title>
	    			<author>Jan-Mathieu Carbon</author>
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					<authority>Collection of Greek Ritual Norms, F.R.S.-FNRS Project no. 2.4561.12, University of Liège.</authority>
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			<supportDesc><support><p>Large, tapering <rs type="objectType">stele</rs> of blue marble, virtually intact. Joints at the top edge make it clear that the stele was originally fixed to the left and right on a wall.</p>
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					<height unit="cm">254</height>
				<width unit="cm">(from top to bottom) 115-127</width>
				<depth unit="cm">(from top to bottom) 15-25</depth>
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			<layoutDesc><layout><p>Letters: <height unit="mm">15</height>.</p>
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			<p><origDate notBefore="-0206" notAfter="-0150">ca. 200 BC</origDate></p>
			<p><desc>Justification: lettering (Herda). For the original dates of the document in the dossier, see below in the Commentary.</desc></p>
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					<head>Bibliography</head>
					<p>Edition here based on <bibl type="author_date" n="Herda 2006">Herda 2006</bibl>, with ph. figs. 1 and 2a-e. Minor differences are included here, notably concerning dotted letters (based on autopsy by Carbon).</p>
					
					<p>Other editions: 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Wilamowitz 1904">Wilamowitz 1904</bibl>, with ph. pl. 5; 
						Rehm <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 133, with ph. fig. 74.</p>

					<p>Cf. also: 
						Ziehen <bibl type="abbr" n="LGS II">LGS II</bibl> 158; 
						Sokolowki <bibl type="abbr" n="LSAM">LSAM</bibl> 50.</p>
										
					<p>Further bibliography: 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Gödeken 1986">Gödeken 1986</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Schneider 1987">Schneider 1987</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Georgoudi 2001">Georgoudi 2001b</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Rhodes 2006">Rhodes 2006</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Ekroth 2008b">Ekroth 2008b</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Parker 2008b">Parker 2008b</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Chaniotis 2010">Chaniotis 2010</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Herda 2011">Herda 2011</bibl>; 
						<bibl type="author_date" n="Carbon 2013b">Carbon 2013b</bibl>.</p>
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<lb xml:id="line_2" n="2" break="no"/>πων</w></name> Ἀγαμήδης Ἀριστοκράτεος, <name type="ethnic" key="Oplethes"><w lemma="Ὅπλητες">Ὁπλήθων</w></name> Λύκος Κλέαντος,
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_3" n="3"/>Βίων Ἀπολλοδώρο, <name type="ethnic" key="Boreus"><w lemma="Βορεύς">Βωρ<choice><corr>έ</corr><sic>Β</sic></choice>ων</w></name> Κρηθεὺς Ἑρμώνακτος, Θράσων Ἀν
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_4" n="4" break="no"/>τιλέοντος· <w lemma="δοκέω">ἔδοξε</w> <name type="group"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="μολποί">μολποῖσιν</w></name></name> τὰ <name type="genericOffering"><w lemma="ὄργια">ὄργια</w></name> <w lemma="ἀναγράφω">ἀναγράψαντας</w> <w lemma="τίθημι">θεῖναι</w> <w lemma="εἰς">ἐς</w>
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_5" n="5"/>τὸ <name type="structure"><w lemma="ἱερός">ἱερὸν</w></name> καὶ <w lemma="χράω">χρῆσθαι</w> <w lemma="οὗτος">τούτοισιν</w>, καὶ <w lemma="οὗτος">οὕτωι</w> <w lemma="ὅδε">τάδε</w> <w lemma="γράφω">γραφθέντα</w> <w lemma="τίθημι">ἐτέ
	    						
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<lb xml:id="line_7" n="7"/><name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="αἰσυμνήτης">αἰσυμνήτης</w></name></name>· ὁ δὲ <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="αἰσυμνήτης">αἰσυμνήτης</w></name></name> καὶ ὁ <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="προσέταιρος">προσέταιρος</w></name></name> <w lemma="προσαίρω">προσαίρεται</w>, <w lemma="ὅταν">ὅταν</w> οἱ
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_8" n="8"/><name type="object"><w lemma="κρατήρ">κρητῆρες</w></name> <w lemma="πᾶς">πάντες</w> <name type="liquid"><w lemma="σπένδω">σπεσθέωσι</w></name> καὶ <name type="invocation"><w lemma="παιωνίζω">παιωνίσωσιν</w></name>· τῇ δὲ <w lemma="ἔνατος">ἐνάτῃ</w> καὶ <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπ<unclear>ὸ</unclear></w>
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_9" n="9"/>τῆς <name type="portion"><w lemma="ὀσφῦς">ὀσφύος</w></name> καὶ τῆς <name type="portion"><w lemma="πεμπάς">πεμπάδος</w></name>, ἣν <w lemma="ἔχω">ἴσχοσιν</w> <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφόροι</w></name></name>,
	    						
	    					<lb xml:id="line_10" n="10"/><w lemma="οὗτος">τούτων</w> <name type="portion"><w lemma="προλαγχάνω">προλαγχάνει</w></name> τὰ <name type="portion"><w lemma="ἴσος">ἰσε̑α</w></name> ὁ <name type="personnel"><w lemma="νέος">νέος</w></name>· <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="ἄρχω">ἄρχονται</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="θύω">θύειν</w></name> τὰ <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερεῖον">ἱερῆα</w></name>
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_11" n="11"/><surplus>ΑΡΧΟ</surplus> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma="οὗτος">τούτων</w> <name type="deity" key="Apollo"><w lemma="Ἀπόλλων">Ἀπόλλωνι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Delphinios"><w lemma="Δελφίνιος">Δελφινίωι</w></name>· καὶ <name type="object"><w lemma="κρατήρ">κρητῆρες</w></name> <name type="liquid"><w lemma="κεράννυμι">κιρνέαται</w></name> <w lemma="καθόπερ">κατό
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_12" n="12" break="no"/>περ</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐμ</w> <name type="invocation"><name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="μολπόν">μολπῶι</w></name></name> καὶ <name type="invocation"><w lemma="Παιών">παιὼν</w></name> <w lemma="γίγνομαι">γίνεται</w>, ὁ δὲ <w lemma="ἔξειμι">ἐξιὼν</w> <name type="title"><w lemma="αἰσυμνήτης">αἰσυμνήτης</w></name> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> τῶν <name type="portion"><w lemma="ἥμισυς">ἡμίσε
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_13" n="13" break="no"/>ων</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="θύω">θύει</w></name> <name type="deity" key="Hestia"><w lemma="ἑστία">Ἱστίηι</w></name> καὶ <name type="object"><w lemma="κρατήρ">κρητῆρας</w></name> <name type="liquid"><w lemma="σπένδω">σπενδέτω</w></name> <w lemma="αὐτός">αὐτὸς</w> καὶ <name type="invocation"><w lemma="παιωνίζω">παιωνιζέτω</w></name>· τῆι <w lemma="δέκατος">δεκά
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_14" n="14" break="no"/>τηι</w> <name type="festival"><w lemma="ἁμιλλητήριος">ἁμιλλητήρια</w></name>, καὶ <w lemma="δίδωμι">δίδοται</w> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> <name type="group"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="μολποί">μολπῶν</w></name></name> <w lemma="δύο">δύο</w> <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερεῖον">ἱερῆιια</w></name> τοῖσι <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφό
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_15" n="15" break="no"/>ροισιν</w></name></name> <name type="age"><w lemma="τέλειος">τέληα</w></name>, καὶ <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="ἔρδω">ἔρδεται</w></name> <name type="deity" key="Apollo"><w lemma="Ἀπόλλων">Ἀπόλλωνι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Delphinios"><w lemma="Δελφίνιος">Δελφινίωι</w></name>, καὶ <name type="festival"><w lemma="ἁμιλλάομαι">ἁμιλλῶνται</w></name> οἱ <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στε
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_16" n="16" break="no"/>φανηφόροι</w></name></name> οἵ τε <w lemma="νέος">νέοι</w> καὶ ὁ <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς">ἱέρεω<supplied reason="omitted">ς</supplied></w></name>, καὶ <name type="liquid"><w lemma="οἶνος">οἶνον</w></name> <w lemma="πίνω">πίνοσι</w> τὸμ <name type="group"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="μολποί">μολπῶν</w></name></name>, καὶ <name type="object"><w lemma="κρατήρ">κρητῆρες</w></name>
	    							    					
<lb xml:id="line_17" n="17"/><name type="liquid"><w lemma="σπένδω">σπένδονται</w></name> <w lemma="καθόπερ">κατόπερ</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐμ</w> <name type="invocation"><name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="μολπόν">μολπῶι</w></name></name>· ὁ δὲ <w lemma="ἔξειμι">ἐξιὼν</w> <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="αἰσυμνήτης">αἰσυμνήτης</w></name></name> <w lemma="παρέχω">παρέχει</w> ἅπερ ὁ
	    								    					
<lb xml:id="line_18" n="18"/><name type="group"><w lemma="Ὀνιτάδης">Ὀνιτάδης</w></name> καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="λαγχάνω">λαγχάνει</w></name> ἅπερ ὁ <name type="group"><w lemma="Ὀνιτάδης">Ὀνιτάδης</w></name>·  <w lemma="ὅταν">ὅταν</w> <name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφόροι</w></name></name> <w lemma="εἶμι">ἴωσιν</w> <w lemma="εἰς">ἐς</w>
	    								    					
<lb xml:id="line_19" n="19"/><placeName key="Didyma"><w lemma="Διδυμαῖος">Δίδυμα</w></placeName>, ἡ <name type="group"><w lemma="πόλις">πόλις</w></name> <w lemma="δίδωμι">διδοῖ</w> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="ἑκατόμβη">ἑκατόνβην</w></name> <w lemma="τρεῖς">τρία</w> <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερεῖον">ἱερῆιια</w></name> <name type="age"><w lemma="τέλειος">τέλεια</w></name>· <w lemma="οὗτος">τούτων</w> <w lemma="εἷς">ἓν</w> <name type="gender"><w lemma="θῆλυς">θῆλυ</w></name>, <w lemma="εἷς">ἓν</w>
	    								    					
<lb xml:id="line_20" n="20"/>δὲ <name type="gender"><w lemma="ἐνόρχης">ἐνόρχες</w></name>· <w lemma="εἰς">ἐς</w> <name type="invocation"><name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="μολπόν">μολπὸν</w></name></name> ἡ <name type="group"><w lemma="πόλις">πόλις</w></name> <w lemma="δίδωμι">διδοῖ</w> <name type="festival"><w lemma="Θαργήλια">Ταργηλίοισιν</w></name> <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερός">ἱερὸν</w></name> <name type="age"><w lemma="τέλειος">τέλειον</w></name> καὶ <name type="festival"><w lemma="Μεταγείτνια">Μεταγε<unclear>ι</unclear>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_21" n="21" break="no"/>τνίοισιν</w></name> <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερός">ἱερὸν</w></name> <name type="age"><w lemma="τέλειος">τέλειον</w></name>, <name type="festival"><w lemma="Ἑβδόμαια">Ἑβδομαίοισιν</w></name> δὲ <w lemma="δύο">δύο</w> <w lemma="τέλειος">τέλεια</w>, καὶ <name type="object"><w lemma="χοῦς">χο̑ν</w></name> τὸμ <w lemma="παλαιός">παλαιὸν</w> <name type="festival"><w lemma="ἑορτή">ὁ<supplied reason="lost">ρ</supplied>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_22" n="22" break="no"/>τῆς</w></name> <w lemma="ἕκαστος">ἑκάστης</w>· <w lemma="οὗτος">τούτοισι</w> τοῖς <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="ἱερός">ἱεροῖσιν</w></name> ὁ <name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="βασιλεύς">βασιλεὺς</w></name></name> <w lemma="παρίστημι">παρίσταται</w>, <name type="portion"><w lemma="λαγχάνω">λαγχάνει</w></name> δὲ
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_23" n="23"/><w lemma="οὐδείς">οὐδὲν</w> <w lemma="πλεῖος">πλῆον</w> τῶν <w lemma="ἄλλος">ἄλλων</w> <name type="group"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="μολποί">μολπῶν</w></name></name>· καὶ <w lemma="ἄρχω">ἄρχονται</w> οἱ <name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφόροι</w></name></name> <name type="month"><w lemma="Ταυρεών">Ταυρεῶ
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_24" n="24" break="no"/>νος</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="θύω">θύειν</w></name> <name type="deity" key="Apollo"><w lemma="Ἀπόλλων">Ἀπόλλωνι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Delphinios"><w lemma="Δελφίνιος">Δελφινίωι</w></name> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> τῶν <name type="portion"><w lemma="ἀριστερός">ἀριστερῶν</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="ἀπάρχομαι">ἀπαρξάμενοι</w></name> καὶ <name type="object"><name type="liquid"><w lemma="κρητηρίζω">κρητη
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_25" n="25" break="no"/>ρίσας</w></name></name> <w lemma="τέσσαρες">τέσσερας</w>· καὶ <name type="object"><w lemma="γυλλός">γυλλοὶ</w></name> <w lemma="φέρω">φέρονται</w> <w lemma="δύο">δύο</w>, καὶ <w lemma="τίθημι">τίθεται</w> <w lemma="παρά">παρ’</w> <name type="deity" key="Hekate"><w lemma="Ἑκάτη">Ἑκάτην</w></name> τὴν <w lemma="πρόσθεν">πρόσθεν</w>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_26" n="26"/><name type="structure"><w lemma="πύλη">πυλέων</w></name> <name type="object"><w lemma="στέφω">ἐστεμμένος</w></name> καὶ <name type="liquid"><w lemma="ἄκρατος">ἀκρήτω</w></name> <name type="liquid"><w lemma="κατασπένδω">κατασπένδετε</w></name> ὁ δ’ <w lemma="ἕτερος">ἕτερος</w> <w lemma="εἰς">ἐς</w> <placeName key="Didyma"><w lemma="Διδυμαῖος">Δίδυμα</w></placeName> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπὶ</w>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_27" n="27"/><name type="structure"><w lemma="θύρα">θύρας</w></name> <w lemma="τίθημι">τίθεται</w>· <w lemma="οὗτος">ταῦτα</w> δὲ <w lemma="ποιέω">ποιήσαντες</w> <w lemma="ἔρχομαι">ἔρχονται</w> τὴν <name type="locality"><w lemma="ὁδός">ὁδὸν</w></name> τὴν <w lemma="πλατεῖα">πλατεῖαν</w> <w lemma="μέχρι">μέχρι</w>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_28" n="28"/><name type="locality"><w lemma="ἄκρος">ἄκρο</w></name>, <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπ’</w> <name type="locality"><w lemma="ἄκρος">ἄκρο</w></name> δὲ <w lemma="διά">διὰ</w> <name type="locality"><w lemma="δρυμός">δρυμο̑</w></name>· καὶ <name type="invocation"><w lemma="παιωνίζω">παιωνίζεται</w></name> <w lemma="πρότερος">πρῶτον</w> <w lemma="παρά">παρ’</w> <name type="deity" key="Hekate"><w lemma="Ἑκάτη">Ἑκάτῃ</w></name> τῇ <w lemma="πρόσθεν">πρόσθεν</w> <name type="structure"><w lemma="πύλη">πυ
	    								
<lb xml:id="line_29" n="29" break="no"/>λέων</w></name>, <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> <name type="epithet" key="Dynameus"><w lemma="δύναμις">Δυνάμει</w></name>, <w lemma="εἶτα">εἶτεν</w> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπὶ</w> <name type="locality"><w lemma="λειμών">λειμῶνι</w></name> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπ’</w> <name type="locality"><w lemma="ἄκρος">ἄκρο</w></name> <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> <name type="deity" key="Nymph"><w lemma="νύμφη">Νύμφαις</w></name>, <w lemma="εἶτα">εἶτεν</w> <w lemma="παρά">παρ’</w> <name type="deity" key="Hermes"><w lemma="Ἑρμῆς">Ἑρμῇ</w></name> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w>
	    								    					
<lb xml:id="line_30" n="30"/><name type="epithet" key="Kelados"><w lemma="κέλαδος">Κελάδο</w></name>, <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> <name type="epithet" key="Phylios"><w lemma="φύλιος">Φυλίωι</w></name>, <w lemma="κατά">κατὰ</w> <name type="epithet" key="Keraites"><w lemma="κεραΐτης">Κεραιΐτην</w></name>, <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> Χαρέω <name type="object"><w lemma="ἀνδριάς">ἀνδριᾶσιν</w></name>· <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="ἔρδω">ἔρδεται</w></name> δὲ τῶι <name type="festival"><w lemma="πάνθυος">παν
	    								
<lb xml:id="line_31" n="31" break="no"/>θύωι</w></name> <w lemma="ἔτος">ἔτει</w> <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> <name type="epithet" key="Keraites"><w lemma="κεραΐτης">Κεραιΐτηι</w></name> <name type="animal"><name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="δαρτός">δαρτόν</w></name></name>, <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> <name type="epithet" key="Phylios"><w lemma="φύλιος">Φυλίωι</w></name> δὲ <name type="vegetal"><w lemma="θύον">θύα</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="θύω">θύεται</w></name> <w lemma="πᾶς">πάντ’</w> <w lemma="ἔτος">ἔτεα</w>· <name type="group"><w lemma="Ὀνιτάδης">Ὀνιτά
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_32" n="32" break="no"/>δηισι</w></name> <w lemma="πάρεξις">πάρεξις</w> <name type="object"><w lemma="κέραμος">κεράμο</w></name>, <name type="object"><w lemma="σίδηρος">σιδήρο</w></name>, <name type="object"><w lemma="χαλκός">χαλκο̑</w></name>, <name type="vegetal"><w lemma="ξύλον">ξύλων</w></name>, <name type="liquid"><w lemma="ὕδωρ">ὕδατος</w></name>, <name type="object"><w lemma="κύκλος">κύκλων</w></name>, <name type="object"><w lemma="δαΐς">δαίδος</w></name>, <name type="object"><w lemma="ῥῖπος">ῥιπῶν</w></name>,
	    								    					
<lb xml:id="line_33" n="33"/><name type="portion"><w lemma="κρέας">κρέα</w></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="ἐπιδιαιρέω">ἐπιδιαιρε̑ν</w></name> <name type="object"><w lemma="φαλαγκτήριον">φαλαγκτηρίων</w></name>, <name type="object"><w lemma="δεσμός">δεσμῶν</w></name> τοῖς <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερεῖον">ἱερηίοισιν</w></name>· <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> <name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφόρος</w></name></name>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_34" n="34"/><name type="object"><w lemma="λύχνον">λύχνον</w></name> καὶ <name type="liquid"><w lemma="ἄλειφα">ἄλειφα</w></name>· <w lemma="ὄπτησις">ὄπτησις</w> <name type="portion"><w lemma="σπλάγχνον">σπλάγχνων</w></name>, <name type="portion"><w lemma="κρέας">κρεῶν</w></name> <w lemma="ἕψησις">ἕψησις</w>, τῆς <name type="portion"><w lemma="ὀσφῦς">ὀσφύος</w></name> καὶ
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_35" n="35"/>τῆς <name type="portion"><w lemma="πεμπάς">πεμπάδος</w></name>, ἣν <name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφόροι</w></name></name> <w lemma="ἔχω">ἴσχοσιν</w>, <w lemma="ἕψησις">ἕψησις</w> καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="διαίρεσις">διαίρεσις</w></name>, καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="μοῖρα">μοίρης</w></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="λάξις">λά
	    							
	<lb xml:id="line_36" n="36" break="no"/>ξις</w></name>· <name type="bakery"><w lemma="ἐπιπέσσω">ἐπιπέσσεν</w></name> τὰ <name type="bakery"><w lemma="ἔλατρον">ἔλατρα</w></name> <w lemma="ἐκ">ἐξ</w> <w lemma="ἡμέδιμνον">ἡμεδίμνο</w> <name type="deity" key="Apollo"><w lemma="Ἀπόλλων">τὠπόλλωνι</w></name> <name type="bakery"><w lemma="πλακοῦς">πλακόντινα</w></name>, τῆι <name type="deity" key="Hekate"><w lemma="Ἑκάτη">Ἑκά
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_37" n="37" break="no"/>τηι</w></name> δὲ <w lemma="χωρίς">χωρίς</w>. <w lemma="γίγνομαι">γίνεται</w> <name type="group"><w lemma="Ὀνιτάδης">Ὀνιτάδηισιν</w></name> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> <name type="group"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="μολποί">μολπῶν</w></name></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="ὀσφῦς">ὀσφύες</w></name> <w lemma="πᾶς">πᾶσαι</w> <w lemma="ἐκτός">ἐκτὸς</w> ὧν οἱ
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_38" n="38"/><name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφόροι</w></name></name> <w lemma="ἔχω">ἴσχοσιν</w>, <name type="portion"><w lemma="δέρμα">δέρματα</w></name> <w lemma="πᾶς">πάντα</w>, <name type="bakery"><name type="vegetal"><w lemma="θυάλημα">θυαλήματα</w></name></name> <w lemma="τρεῖς">τρία</w> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπ’</w> <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερεῖον">ἱερήο</w></name> <w lemma="ἕκαστος">ἑκάστο</w>, <name type="vegetal"><w lemma="θύον">θύ
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_39" n="39" break="no"/>ων</w></name> τὰ <w lemma="περιγίγνομαι">περιγινόμενα</w>, <name type="liquid"><w lemma="οἶνος">οἶνον</w></name> τὸν <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w> τῶι <name type="object"><w lemma="κρατήρ">κρητῆρι</w></name> <w lemma="περιγίγνομαι">περιγινόμενον</w>, <name type="portion"><w lemma="πεμπάς">πεμπὰς</w></name> τῆς <w lemma="ἡμέρα"><unclear>ἡ</unclear>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_40" n="40" break="no"/>μέρης</w>· ὅ <w lemma="τις">τι</w> <w lemma="ἄν">ἂν</w> <w lemma="οὗτος">τούτων</w> <w lemma="μή">μὴ</w> <w lemma="ποιέω">ποιῶσιν</w>, <name type="group"><w lemma="Ὀνιτάδης">Ὀνιτάδαι</w></name>, <w lemma="ἁνδάνω">ἕαδε</w> <name type="group"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="μολποί">μολποῖσιν</w></name></name> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπὶ</w> Χαροπίνο <name type="title"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στε
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_41" n="41" break="no"/>φανηφόρος</w></name></name> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> τῶν <name type="festival"><name type="deity" key="Hestia"><w lemma="Ἑστιαῖον">Ἰστιηίων</w></name></name> <w lemma="παρέχω">παρέχεν</w>· ὅ <w lemma="τις">τι</w> δ’ <w lemma="ἄν">ἂν</w> <name type="group"><w lemma="Ὀνιτάδης">Ὀνιτάδαι</w></name> <w lemma="χράω">χρηιίζωσιν</w>, <w lemma="ἁνδάνω">ἕαδε</w> <name type="group"><name type="personnel"><w lemma="μολποί">μολποῖ
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_42" n="42" break="no"/>σι</w></name></name> <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="στεφανηφόρος">στεφανηφόροισιν</w></name></name> <w lemma="ἐπιτρέφω">ἐπιτετράφθαι</w>. <space extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    							
<lb/><space quantity="1" unit="line"/>
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_43" n="43"/>τῶι <name type="personnel"><w lemma="κῆρυξ">κήρυκι</w></name> <w lemma="ἀτέλεια">ἀτελείη</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐμ</w> <name type="sacrifice"><name type="invocation"><w lemma="μολπόν">μολπῶι</w></name></name> <w lemma="πᾶς">πάντων</w> καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="λάξις">λάξις</w></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="σπλάγχνον">σπλάγχνων</w></name> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> <name type="animal"><w lemma="θύος">θυῶν</w></name> <w lemma="ἕκαστος">ἑκασ
	    							
<lb xml:id="line_44" n="44" break="no"/>τέων</w> καὶ <name type="liquid"><w lemma="οἶνος">οἴνο</w></name> <w lemma="φορή">φορὴ</w> <w lemma="εἰς">ἐς</w> τὰ <name type="object"><w lemma="ψυκτήριον">ψυκτήρια</w></name> <w lemma="τέλος">τέλεσι</w> τοῖς <w lemma="ἑαυτοῦ">ἑωυτο̑</w>, ὁ δ’ <name type="liquid"><w lemma="οἶνος">οἶνος</w></name> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> <name type="personnel"><name type="group"><w lemma="μολποί">μολπῶ<choice><corr>ν</corr><sic>Ι</sic></choice></w></name></name> <w lemma="γίγνομαι">γίνεται</w>.
	    								
<lb/><space quantity="1" unit="line"/>
	    									    					
<lb xml:id="line_45" n="45"/>τῶι <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ᾠδός">ὠιδῶι</w></name> <name type="meal"><w lemma="δεῖπνον">δεῖπνον</w></name> <w lemma="παρέχω">παρέχει</w> ὁ <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς">ἱέρ<supplied reason="omitted">ε</supplied>ως</w></name>, <name type="meal"><w lemma="ἄριστον">ἄριστον</w></name> δὲ <name type="personnel"><name type="title"><w lemma="αἰσυμνήτης">ὡισυμνήτης</w></name></name>.

	    				</ab>
	    			</div>
	    		
	    			<div type="translation" xml:lang="eng">
					<head>Translation</head>
	    				
<p>When Philtes, son of Dionysios, was <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> of the Molpoi, the companions were: from the Oinopes, Agamedes, son of Aristokrates; from the Hoplethes, Lykos, son of Kleas, Bion, son of Apollodoros; from the Boreis, Kretheus, son of Hermonax, Thrason, son of Antileon. The Molpoi decided that, having written up the rites, to place them in (5) the sanctuary and to use these; and the following writings were set up in this way during the Hebdomaia. </p>
	    				
<p>On the 8th (of Taureon), the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> of the Molpoi [... unintelligible ...] the sacred portions or viscera for those offering libations; the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> and the companion consume (wine), once the libations have been poured from all kraters and they have sung paeans. On the 9th, from the sacrum and the fifth part, which the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> obtain, (10) the new (<foreign>aisymnetes</foreign>) receives the same portions from these. They start to sacrifice the animals (i.e. make first-offerings) from these to Apollo Delphinios; and kraters are mixed in the same way as during the <foreign>molpon</foreign> and a paean takes place, and the outgoing <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> sacrifices from the halves (of the animals?) to Hestia, and let him pour a libation from kraters himself and sing a paean. On the 10th, contests; and two adult sacrificial animals are given by the Molpoi to the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign>, (15) and (these) are sacrificed to Apollo Delphinios, and both the new <foreign>stephanephoros</foreign> and the priest contend, and they drink the wine of the Molpoi, and libations are poured from kraters in the same way as during the <foreign>molpon</foreign>; and the outgoing <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> provides the same as an Onitades and receives the same as an Onitades.</p>
	    				
<p>Whenever the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> go to Didyma, the city should provide three adult sacrificial animals as a hecatomb; of these, one is female, but one is uncastrated. (20) For the <foreign>molpon</foreign>, the city gives an adult sacrificial animal during the Targelia and another during the Metageitnia, and during the Hebdomaia, (the city should give) two adult animals; and for each festival, the ancient <foreign>chous</foreign>. The <foreign>basileus</foreign> attends (all) these rites, but does not receive anything more than the other Molpoi.</p>  
	    				
<p>And the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> start to sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios in (the month) Taureon, making first-offerings from the left portions, and when he (<foreign>sic</foreign>) has mixed (25) four kraters; and they carry two <foreign>gylloi</foreign>; one <foreign>gyllos</foreign>, wreathed, is placed next to Hecate who is in front of the city-gates, and let them make libations of unmixed wine, but the other is placed at the gates in Didyma; and having made these actions, they travel the wide road up to Akros, and from Akros through the oak-wood; and a paean is first sung next to Hecate who is in front of the city-gates, next to Dynamis, then in the meadow on Akron next to the Nymphs, then next to Hermes Enkelados (or: in Kelados), (30) next to Phylios, down Keraites, (and finally) next to the statues of Chares; but in the "all-sacrifice" year, a flayed animal is sacrificed next to Keraites, while offerings to be burned are sacrificed each year next to Phylios.</p>
	    				
<p>The provisioning (prescribed) to the Onitadai (consists) of (objects in) ceramic, iron, bronze, wood, of water, round platters, a torch, mats, wood-blocks on which to cut portions of meat, bindings for the sacrificial animals; from the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign>, (35) a lamp and oil (are to be provided); (the Onitadai are also in charge of?) the roasting of viscera, the boiling of meat, the boiling and division of the sacrum and the fifth part which the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> get, the obtention by lot of a portion; they are to bake cakes from a half-<foreign>medimnos</foreign> (of flour), to Apollo flat ones, but to Hecate differently; the Onitadai obtain all the sacrums from the Molpoi, except those which the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> get, all the hides, three portions of meat from each sacrificial animal, the remainder of the offerings to be burned, the wine remaining in the krater, the fifth part of the day. (40) Whatever of these things the Onitadai do not do, the Molpoi under Charopinos decided that the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> are to provide it from what belongs to Hestia; whatever the Onitadai lack, the Molpoi decided that it be entrusted to the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign>.</p>
	    				
<p>The herald has freedom from all obligations during the <foreign>molpon</foreign>, and (the right of) obtaining by lot viscera from each of the sacrificial animals, and (the right of) transportation of wine to the coolers at his own expense, but the wine comes from the Molpoi.</p>
	    				
<p>(45) The priest provides a dinner to the singer, but the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> gives him a breakfast.</p>	    				
	    				
				</div>
	    		
				<div type="translation" xml:lang="fre">
					<head>Traduction</head>
					
<p>Alors que Philtès, fils de Dionysios, était aisymnète des Molpes, les compagnons étaient : des Oinopes, Agamedès, fils d’Aristokratès, des Hoplethes, Lykos, fils de Kleas, Bion, fils d’Apollodoros, des Boreis, Kretheus, fils d’Hermonax, Thrason, fils d’Antileon. Il a plu aux Molpes que les rites, après avoir été transcrits, soient placés dans (5) le sanctuaire et qu’il en soit fait usage. Et voici les prescriptions qui ont été établies lors des Hebdomaia.</p>
					
<p>Le 8 (Taureon), l’aisymnète des Molpes [... (incompréhensible) ...] les parts sacrées ou les viscères à ceux qui offrent des libations; l’aisymnète et le compagnon consomment (du vin), après que les libations ont été versées des cratères et qu’ils ont entonné le péan. Le 9, du sacrum et de la cinquième part qu’obtiennent les stéphanéphores, (10) le nouvel (aisymnète) reçoit les mêmes portions. Ils commencent à sacrifier les animaux par celles-ci pour Apollon Delphinios. Les cratères sont mélangés de la même manière que pendant le <foreign>molpon</foreign> et un péan intervient; par ailleurs, l’aisymnète sortant sacrifie à Hestia à partir des moitiés, et que la libation soit versée des cratères et qu’il entonne le péan. Le 10, concours, et que deux animaux sacrificiels adultes soient donnés par les Molpes aux stéphanéphores, (15) et qu’on (les) sacrifie à Apollon Delphinios; les nouveaux stéphanéphores et le prêtre s’affrontent au concours, ils boivent du vin des Molpes, et des libations sont versées des cratères tout comme durant le <foreign>molpon</foreign>. Par ailleurs, l’aisymnète sortant fournit la même chose qu’un Onitadès et reçoit la même chose qu’un Onitadès.</p>
					
<p>Quand les stéphanéphores se rendent à Didymes, la cité doit fournir trois animaux sacrificiels adultes en hécatombe, dont une femelle et un mâle non-castré. (20) Pour le <foreign>molpon</foreign>, la cité doit fournir un animal sacrificiel adulte aux Targelia et, aux Metageitnia, un animal sacrificiel adulte, et aux Hebdomaia, deux animaux adultes et, à chaque occasion, l’ancien <foreign>chous</foreign>. Le <foreign>basileus</foreign> assiste à ces rites, mais il ne reçoit rien de plus que les autres Molpes.</p>
					
<p>En Taureon, les stéphanéphores commencent à sacrifier à Apollon Delphinios, ayant procédé aux offrandes préliminaires par les portions de gauche et quand il (<foreign>sic</foreign>) a mélangé (25) quatre cratères; ils apportent deux <foreign>gylloi</foreign>, l’un deux, couronné, est déposé près d’Hécate qui est devant les portes — et ils doivent procéder aux libations de vin pur, — tandis que l’autre est placé aux portes à Didymes. Une fois ces actes accomplis, ils parcourent la grand-route jusqu’à l’Akros et, depuis l’Akros, à travers la forêt de chênes. Le péan est d’abord entonné près d’Hécate qui est devant les portes, ensuite près de Dynamis, puis dans la prairie sur l’Akros près des Nymphes, ensuite près d’Hermès Enkelados (ou au Kelados), (30) près de Phylios, en contrebas de Keraitès, près des statues de Charès. D’autre part, au cours de l’année de « tous les sacrifices », un animal écorché est sacrifié près de Keraitès, tandis que, près de Phylios, des offrandes à brûler sont sacrifiées chaque année.</p>
					
<p>La fourniture qui incombe aux Onitadai (consiste) en (objets de) céramique, fer, bronze, bois, en eau, en plats ronds, ainsi qu’une torche, des nattes, des planches à découper la viande, des entraves pour les animaux sacrificiels. Auprès des stéphanéphores, (35) une lampe et de l’huile. (Les Onitadai prennent également en charge ?) le rôtissage des viscères, la cuisson des viandes, la cuisson et la découpe du sacrum et de la cinquième part que les stéphanéphores reçoivent, la dévolution d’une portion par le sort. Qu’ils préparent des gâteaux avec un demi-setier (de farine), pour Apollon, des galettes plates, mais autrement pour Hécate. Il revient aux Onatidai tous les sacrums des Molpes, exception faite de ceux que reçoivent les stéphanéphores, toutes les peaux, trois parts de viande provenant de chaque animal sacrificiel, le reste des offrandes à brûler, le reste du vin des cratères, la cinquième part du jour. (40) Si les Onitadai ne remplissent pas une de leurs obligations, les Molpes sous Charopinos ont décidé que les stéphanéphores y pourvoiraient à partir de ce qui appartient à Hestia; et, si les Onitades ont besoin de quelque chose, les Molpes ont décidé d’en confier le soin aux stéphanéphores. </p>
					
<p>Le héraut est exempt de charges durant le <foreign>molpon</foreign>, et il a droit à des viscères tirés au sort sur chaque animal, et (le droit) d’amener le vin aux glacières à ses propres frais, mais le vin provient des Molpes. </p>
					
<p>(45) Le prêtre offre le dîner au chanteur, mais l’aisymnète lui offre le déjeuner.</p>
					
				</div>
	    		
					<div type="commentary">    
						<head>Commentary </head>    
						
<p>(NB. all general references to Herda are Herda 2006 unless otherwise stated.)</p>
						
<p>This is one of the most complex ritual norms in the present Collection, as fascinatingly detailed as it is frustratingly difficult to interpret. A major component of this difficulty lies in the complex history of the composition of the document. The rites of the Molpoi are often thought to reach back to a very ancient period, perhaps as far back as the 8th century BC, or at least the early Archaic period. Occasional incoherences in the document have led to some scholars—see already Rehm, most recently Herda—detecting many layers of composition in the dossier. Herda dates the core of the text, lines 6-40, to 540/539 or 525/4 BC; Rehm, p. 279, dated it to the period before the Persian destruction of 494 BC. The earliest known reference to the Molpoi at Miletos is in the famous list of these officials, which provides their dates for the late Archaic and Classical periods (<bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 122, running from 522/1 to 311/0 BC; see also below). But the text itself reveals nothing tangible about the antiquity of the rites concerned. At any rate, this much is clear: in the year 447/6 BC (see Parker, adopting the chronology of the <foreign>aisymnetai</foreign> espoused by Rhodes; the traditional dating, followed by Herda, is three years earlier), the group of Molpoi decided to write up the specific rites which form the core of lines 1-42. The inscription also briefly refers to an anterior decision of the Molpoi passed in 476/5 (lines 40-42). This is cited after the main body of the text and the section concerning the Onitadai as a further clarification; all that it demonstrates is that rules concerning the Onitadai already existed for the group in 476/5 BC. Two further small appended texts follow after some blanks space on the stone: lines 43-44 and 45 respectively. These addenda are undated and may have belonged to the wider set of the rules of the group in the mid-5th century BC, or have been passed at a date after 447/6. In other words, the document is a composite dossier: it represents an effort to codify the rules of the group, particularly concerning sacrifices and festival occasions. What is more, this copy of the dossier must belong to the late Hellenistic period. On the context of the inscribing of this dossier, however, we are relatively poorly informed, since no Hellenistic introduction to the reinscribed document is provided. The letterforms have traditionally suggested a date of ca. 100 BC for the act of reinscribing the earlier documents of the group (so Rehm). Herda has plausibly suggested that these might be earlier, perhaps ca. 200 BC. Though found in a context of reuse, the inscription is almost certainly associated with the new portico of the Delphinion which was built in the Hellenistic period. On this structure, see now Herda 2011; for the Delphinion at Miletos, centered around the worship of Apollo and associated gods, see also here <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref>, lines 12-13, and <ref target="CGRN_100">CGRN 100</ref>. In this context, Herda also interestingly suggests that the act of the Molpoi could be connected with the inauguration of the Panhellenic <foreign>agon</foreign> of the Didymeia at the end of the 3rd century BC. At this date, it is known that the Didymeia became a penteteric festival, with annual celebrations in other years being called Boegia (<bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 145, 206/5 BC). Less clear, however, is exactly how the procession described by the Molpoi in the early or mid-5th century BC might have provided a pattern for the Hellenistic Didymeia and Boegia. It does seem to have been less precisely dated than some of the other rituals mentioned in the dossier (cf. esp. lines 18-19: ὅταν στεφανηφόροι ἴωσιν ἐς Δίδυμα...). Moreover, Herda has plausibly (cf. also Parker's cautious approval) identified the precursor for this special, less frequent celebration of the Didymeia, with the year called Panthyos in the dossier of the Molpoi: cf. lines 30-31 (see below there).</p>
						
<p>Contrary to previous editions, including Herda, we prefer to present the text of the inscription for the most part without corrections and essentially as republished by the Molpoi in the Hellenistic period; we also tend to agree with Chaniotis that the text retranscribed, whatever its failings, was not intended to be obscure or elliptical, but rather essentially intelligible for the practical purposes of performing. As Herda's commentary makes clear (see also above), these were rituals which still continued in some form in the Hellenistic period and lasted well into the Roman era (cf. e.g. <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 134). The dossier as we have it treats these in considerable detail. After a preamble relating to the decree of 447/6 BC (lines 1-6), the regulation appears to deal with three specific days of a month; the 7th is mentioned obliquely in line 6. These are the 8th (lines 6-8), the 9th (lines 8-13), and the 10th (lines 13-18); Herda plausibly argues that these rituals are to be dated in the month Taureon, the first of the Milesian year (this does not <foreign>de facto</foreign> make them  "New Year" celebrations, as rightly criticised by Chaniotis and Parker). These dated rituals in particular seem concerned with the transition of the officials of the group that the New Year entailed: particularly concerned is the chief of the body, the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign>, which is envisaged as "going out" of his office, ὁ δὲ ἐξιὼν αἰσυμνήτης (see lines 12 and 17), while new <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign>, probably including the new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> (see line 10:  ὁ νέος), enter into function and also perform rituals (see esp. lines 15-17; for similar rituals and sacrifices made in Taureon by gymnasiarchs who enter and leave office, see <ref target="CGRN_248">CGRN 248</ref>, Fr. A, lines 19-28). After these dated entries, lines 18-19 seem to introduce the consideration that the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> might go to Didyma, making a procession. In fact, these lines are clearly concerned with the provision of sacrificial animals by the city (ἡ πόλις διδοῖ) and cohere well with the following lines (20-23), which also treat this subject for other festivals of the Molpoi. Lines 23-31 reprise the brief introduction of lines 18-19 and discuss the procession to Didyma in detail. As Herda convincingly argues, this might have taken place directly after the 10th of Taureon; the timing is relatively clear from the phrase ἄρχονται οἱ στεφανηφόροι Ταυρεῶνος in lines 23-24, but the precise chronology of the dates within this month remains unclear as far as the procession is concerned (see also above and below for the uncertainty of the exact date and periodicity). A next large section of the regulations (lines 31-42) discusses the rights and duties of a gentilicial group called the Onitadai; this group acts as cultic officials or sacrificial assistants and the rules seem to apply to any day of the rituals performed by the Molpoi (cf. esp. lines 40-42). As mentioned above, the dossier concludes with two further addenda, lines 43-44 and 45, concerning the herald and the cantor respectively, which are separated by empty space.</p>
						
<p>Far from being a "private" association in any strict sense, the Molpoi were manifestly an independent body with an intricate relationship to the Milesian state. In fact, their political significance was such that they were still considered in the Hellenistic period as a body that could prosecute cases or formulate legal objections concerning rights of citizenship at Miletos: cf. <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 143A, 212/1 BC; <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 150, ca. 180-161 BC). The annual political and religious official of the group was called the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> (literally "ruler" or "arbiter"), and this man served as the eponymous official of Miletos from the late Archaic period to the Roman, as the lists in <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 122-128 make apparent; the last of these lists (running from AD 24/5 to 34/5) also seems to imply some form of distinction between the roles of <foreign>stephanephoros</foreign> and <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign>, since it is headed: στεφανηφόροι οἱ καὶ αἰσυμνῆται; it is also noteworthy that no direct attribution of these officials to the Molpoi is mentioned at this date. This has caused some uncertainty about whether the two roles are to be closely identified or not (see Herda and Chaniotis for differing points of view; for the use of the term <foreign>stephanephoros</foreign>—with his προσέταιροι—as the eponymous official at Miletos in the mid-Hellenistic period, see <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 143A, and <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 150, and cp. also much later sources like <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 121, dated October 177 AD; yet the term <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> also clearly continued to be used for this official and his cultic duties, cf. <ref target="CGRN_248">CGRN 248</ref>). The identity of the group of <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> among the Molpoi is also not completely clear, though the "outgoing" and new <foreign>aisymnetai</foreign> will have formed part of it. Similarly, the "fellow-companions", προσέταιροι, who are found associated with the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign>, are likely to have been included in the group (cp. also the fragmentary <bibl type="abbr" n="IGDO">IGDO</bibl> 2, from the Milesian colony of Olbia, ca. 450 BC). Line 15 further makes clear that the priest—i.e. the priest of Apollo Delphinios in Miletos (presumably appointed for life in the Archaic and Classical periods)—, was also considered a <foreign>stephanephoros</foreign> and a member of the Molpoi. For this priest of Apollo and the festival of Apollo Delphinios, see also here <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref>, lines 12-13, and <ref target="CGRN_100">CGRN 100</ref>. Though some uncertainties therefore remain, we can nevertheless be sure that the dossier of the Molpoi was concerned with the annual transition between the old and new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> at the beginning of the New Year in Taureon (see also above). Moreover, how exactly the wider group of officials or <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> were involved in this process of appointing a new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> remains unclear, except for the rituals detailed in the inscription. Another member of these "crown-bearers" or at least of the wider group of the Molpoi was the Basileus (as implied by lines 23-24, where he receives a portion of the meat by lot "no greater than the other Molpoi": λαγχάνει δὲ οὐδὲν πλῆον τῶν ἄλλων μολπῶν). This was another prominent official at Miletos (he was issued from the <foreign>genos</foreign> of the Neleidai, the descendants of Neleus, mythical founder of the city); cf. also here <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref>, lines 3-5 (sacrifices to Dionysus), and <ref target="CGRN_100">CGRN 100</ref>, line 5 (having the option of obtaining a thigh from sacrifices made in the Delphinion).</p>
						
<p>As relatively clear as all of that may be, it should also be especially underlined here that the Molpoi, as presented in this inscription, were essentially a cultic group, focussed on several annual ritual occasions. Some of these festivals are detailed in the dossier, others only mentioned allusively (they were perhaps more explicitly defined in other documents of the group or of the city of Miletos). The rituals are defined by the group not only as sacrifices, but as ὄργια. This word has little if any of the connotation of "secret" or "mystic rites" here (cf. <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> s.v.), but instead seems to point more to the ecstatic (sc. inebriated) and musical worship found somewhat more typically for gods such as Dionysus, or figures like Orpheus and Eumolpus (see Hdt. 2.81, E. <title>Ba.</title> 34, Theoc. 26.13), rather than for Apollo. More particularly, the role of the Molpoi—a word meaning something like "musical modulators"—as musicians should not be forgotten (see also rightly Georgoudi). It is particularly clear that most of the rituals undertaken by the group involved the singing of paeans in honour of Apollo (see lines 8, 13, 28ff.), usually preceded by wine-drinking; for paians in the cult of Apollo, see also <ref target="CGRN_76">CGRN 76</ref> (Erythrai), lines 34-36. Here, we most markedly take our distance from the interpretations in the recent commentary of Herda. In our view, the references to the word μολπός or μολπόν in the singular in the text (which is not otherwise attested, cf. <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> s.v.) cannot be interpreted as any sort of physical object or structure; <foreign>molpon</foreign> was taken by Herda to mean "the house (of the Molpoi)", a view also criticised by Parker and Chaniotis respectively. More plausibly, the interpretation (see also Chaniotis, p. 379) should be that *μολπόν (*μολπός) was a ritual occasion, involving music and song (cp. μολπή) and drinking, in the context of festival sacrifices. This is especially clear from the phrase found in lines 20-22: the city provides sacrificial animals for the *μολπόν (*μολπός), i.e. the ritual of the Molpoi which takes place during the festivals (ὁ[ρ]τῆς ἑκάστης) of the Targelia, Metageitnia, and Hebdomaia. On other days than these three traditional festivals, which are not otherwise described, reference is made to what happened during the *μολπόν (*μολπός) which took place during the festivals, particularly the filling of kraters with wine or the pouring of libations: cf. lines 11-12 (9th of Taureon: κρητῆρες κιρνέαται κατόπερ ἐμμολπῶι), lines 16-17 (10th of Taureon: καὶ κρητῆρες σπένδονται κατόπερ ἐμμολπῶι). It is clear that wine was obtained in substantial quantities by the group for these libation rituals and drinking parties (for wine belonging to the Molpoi, see lines 16: οἶνον πίνοσι τὸμ μολπῶν; cf. also line 44 below). Other elements of the dossier can readily follow this interpretation. The contests (ἁμιλλητήρια, lines 13-18) held between the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> are most likely to have been ones of song and musical modulation, while also perhaps pointing to a quasi-symposiastic context, since much drinking again seems to have been involved (see also Herda, p. 96-115). The two small rules appended below the main body of the text, lines 43-44 and 45 respectively, add some further details to this wider context: a herald was to be present at the rituals of the group, obtaining portions and participating in its wine-drinking, as well as no doubt making proclamations, arbitrating the contests, and/or participating in the singing; a special singer or cantor was to be provided both a lunch by the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> and a dinner by the priest—this should imply that his services were retained on a regular basis, perhaps for rituals lasting a whole day or into the night. For other groups of Molpoi as cultic officials in Ionian cities, see e.g. <bibl type="abbr" n="I.Ephesos">I.Ephesos</bibl> 900-901 (2nd century BC) and Herda.</p>
						
<p>Lines 4-6 (preamble and Hebdomaia, Taureon 7): The decree of the Molpoi resolves to write down the ὄργια (on this term, see above) and to set them up in the sanctuary (θεῖναι ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν), which must of course refer to the Delphinion where the inscription was found (see also above). The regulation thereby become enacted and in use, with the ὄργια being employed (καὶ χρῆσθαι τούτοισιν). A further clause defines the introduction of the writings themselves (καὶ οὕτωι τάδε γραφθέντα ἐτέθη). The following word, Ἑβδομαίοισι, causes some problems of interpretation. There are perhaps three ways in which it might be taken. On one view, the Hebdomaia could introduce all the rituals which follow, definining them as having happened "during the festival of the Hebdomaia"; this would be extremely odd, since the rituals themselves are "of the 7th day", not of the 8th-10th which then follow. On another, widely held view (Wilamowitz; see recently Herda), the specification of what happened during the Hebdomaia has simply been omitted or dropped out here (this is reflected by the use of an ellipsis in many editions). But it is clear that the Hebdomaia involved a *μολπόν/*μολπός, sacrifices, and the pouring of libations: cf. lines 21-22. A third option, suggested here by Carbon, would be that the Hebdomaia are indeed not described—just like the other festivals mentioned in 20-21, they would presumably have been defined elsewhere—but, syntactically, the mention of the festival properly belongs as a temporal expression with the previous phrase: καὶ οὕτωι τάδε γραφθέντα ἐτέθη; on this reading, the Hebdomaia would thus provide the context for when the meeting of the Molpoi was held and when the stele was set up, a dating formula for enactment of the dossier. At any rate, what is particularly clear is that the Hebdomaia formed one of the major festival occasions for the Molpoi, being a sacred day of Apollo. Properly speaking, they will have immediately preceded the ὄργια which they define for the 8th to 10th of Taureon; it also possible that they recurred on the 7th day of other months. The 7th day of the month was sacred to Apollo, being reckoned his birthday. Cf. e.g. here <ref target="CGRN_52">CGRN 52</ref> (Erchia), col. Α, lines A24-37 +  col. Γ, lines 32-38 + col. Ε, lines 32-47, or the Hebdomaion (i.e. monthly?) sacrifice known in Athens, see also <ref target="CGRN_45">CGRN 45</ref>, fr. 6, lines 7-10. At Miletos, note especially the festival of Apollo Delphinios that was announced on the 6th of an unknown month at Miletos, as attested in the Archaic sacrificial calendar of the city: <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref>, lines 12-13. From another Archaic Ionian city, Chios, it is known that the Boule convened on the third day after the Hebdomaia (Meiggs-Lewis, <bibl type="abbr" n="SGHI">SGHI</bibl> 8, lines C3-6: τῆι τρίτηι | ἐξ Ἑβδομαίων | βολὴ ἀγερέσθ|ω ἡ δημοσίη), which could provide a partial parallel for the political and religious importance of this celebration at Miletos.</p>
						
<p>Lines 6-18 (Taureon 8-10): As plausibly reconstructed by Herda, these constitute the first three days of ὄργια celebrated by the group in the month Taureon, after the Hebdomaia mentioned in line 6. For the 8th day, we are apparently to assume that many kraters have been filled with wine, sacrifices have been made, and celebrations are about to begin. The first word of this entry does not readily make sense in the form attested on the stone: ΑΠΟΛΕΙΚΑΙ. A verb is clearly needed, of which the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> is the subject, strangely postponed to the end of the phrase; it is also unclear if the new or "outgoing" <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> is meant. This verb is needed to qualify what happened to the <foreign>hiera</foreign> and viscera "for those who perform libations" (σπείσοσι; apparently not 3rd pl. aorist subj. σπείσωσι, but rather dat. pl. of the future participle, σπείσουσι, with Ionic long o; the article τοῖς might also have been expected). The first word has been variously interpreted (see Herda's <foreign>apparatus criticus</foreign>), while many have cautiously preferred to leave the traces unexplained (Wilamowitz, for instance, gave up on almost the whole of this phrase in desperation). The proposal of some and Herda's translation would have the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> "revealing", "bringing forward" or simply "giving" (thinking of a form of ἀποδίδωμι?) the relevant portions to those making libations. The second phrase is perhaps equally problematic, since its interpretation again depends on the significance of the verb, here a singular form with a plural subject: both the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> and one "companion" (ὁ προσέταιρος). Whereas previous editors try to interpret the verb as a form of προσαιρέομαι (which also requires a correction of προσέταιρος as the subject, implying that the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> "takes these men as his companions"), Herda's ingenious suggestion would make it derive from προσαίρω, which in the middle voice would yield a sense of "consuming" or "drinking together". Parker criticises this reading for lacking an object; but wine could of course be implicit, as in the many cases of σπένδω found in the text, and furthermore, the sense of Herda's suggestion is excellent: the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> and one of the προσέταιροι who accompanies him only begin to drink once libations have been poured from all the kraters and a paean has been sung in honour of Apollo. The passive of the verb σπένδω here appears to be used in the sense of "to pour libations from". For the two following days, the sense of the individual phrases is perhaps clearer. On the 9th, we begin with sacrificial particularities, the ὁ νέος, presumably the new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> is to be entitled to obtain by lot (προλαγχάνει) the same portions (τὰ ἰσε̑α) from special parts of the sacrificial animal. These are the ὀσφύς, the sacrum or tail of the animal, and the "fifth portion" (πεμπάς), which the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> receive (again, Ionic ἴσχοσιν for the present ἴσχουσιν). For the ὀσφύς, cp. here <ref target="CGRN_100">CGRN 100</ref>, line 2, where the priest of Apollo Delphinios receives this portion during civic sacrifices. The exact sense of the "fifth portion" is unknown: it could refer to a fifth of the entire remaining meat from the animal (so Herda). But note especially that the obtention of a generic portion, μοίρης λάξις, is clearly distinguished from the πεμπάς in lines 34-35. It might then be better to think that the πεμπάς represented specific anatomical portions, though which ones remains elusive (we might for instance, hypothesise that animals were considered by the Molpoi and Onitadai to have five limbs or extremities; in addition to the tail or ὀσφύς, perhaps the head and the four legs, none of which is explicitly mentioned in the regulations). The next phrase is again somewhat garbled, though the sense is relatively clear. The plural subject might imply that the (new) <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> and one of the προσέταιροι or the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> more generally are the subject. These are literally "to begin the sacrifice the sacrificial animals"; ΑΡΧΟ is then seemingly repeated from the verb ἄρχονται but also appropriately identifies the ritual gesture as coming ἀπὸ τούτων, i.e. from the sacrificial animals. In other words, reading the preposition with the verb, makes us look to ἀπάρχομαι: the ritual agents begin to sacrifice the animals by making first-offerings to Apollo Delphinios. In this sense, the phrase seems to match closely another found at lines 23-24, where both ἄρχονται ... θύειν and ἀπαρξάμενοι is found (see also Herda; ΑΡΧΟ is thus perhaps to be corrected into something like ἀπαρξάμενοι). While once again kraters are mixed (i.e. wine is poured into them and mixed) and a paean is sung, the "outgoing" <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> appears to be solely in charge of the rituals; he himself (αὐτός) pours the libation and sings the paean. After the offering of first-fruits to Apollo Delphinios, the "outgoing" <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> also appears to be responsible for a sacrifice to Hestia which analogously comes "from the halves", "from the half-portions" (ἀπὸ τῶν ἡμίσεων). This would seem to imply the sacrificial animals were separated into two lateral hemispheres, the left and the right; the left portions, as in lines 23-24 (ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν), would be used to provide first-offerings for the sacrifice to Apollo, while the right, implicitly in this case, were used for the sacrifice to Hestia. There is no other evidence of a hearth and the cult of Hestia in the Delphinion (but cf. Herda). The 10th day or night (not the night of the 9th, so Herda) is defined as one of contests, ἁμιλλητήρια. For the preliminaries, the Molpoi provided two adult sacrificial animals to the group of the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> for a sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios. As well explained already by Wilamowitz (citing H. <title>Od.</title> 8.258ff.; see now Herda), the Hamilleteria or contests were no doubt to be ones of song and dance, appropriately for the group of "musical modulators" that are the Molpoi; cf. also e.g. E. <title>Iph.Taur.</title> 1138-1151. These involved the new <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> (i.e. the new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> as well as his "fellows", προσέταιροι?) as well as the priest of Apollo Delphinios (also a <foreign>stephanephoros</foreign>, though implicitly not annual or new). During these celebrations which seem to only involve the group of <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign>, the "outgoing" <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> is to serve in an ancillary capacity: he provides all the necessary supplies for the sacrifice as an Onitades and receives some compensation as a member of that group would; on the Onitadai, see below lines 31-42. To summarise these three days of rituals is difficult, but they do seem to celebrate the inauguration of the new officials, specifically the transition between the "outgoing" and the new  <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign>, as Herda has also underlined: on the 8th, perhaps the new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> begins his ritual duties in assisting the libations and is the first to drink with his companion once these are completed; on the 9th, the new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> becomes an equal sharer of special portions and probably participates in first-fruit offerings, while the outgoing <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> uses half of the portions to make first-fruits to Hestia; on the 10th, competitions occur involving the new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> among others, and the "outgoing"  <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> is now somewhat distanced from the larger group of celebrants, the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign>, serving them as an Onitades would, i.e. as a sacrificial assistant only. For first-fruit offerings made to Apollo followed by collective drinking, cp. the rituals of the Labyadai during the Boukatia, <ref target="CGRN_82">CGRN 82</ref> (Delphi), Face D, lines 43-51. For other "orgiastic" rituals involving the use of kraters (namely, the verb κρατηρίζω) and implying the drinking of large quantities of wine, see here the rituals of the cult of the Korybantes at Erythrai, <ref target="CGRN_98">CGRN 98</ref>.</p>
						
<p>Lines 18-23 (provisions of the city): This section of the regulations is concerned with the supply of sacrificial animals and other equipment by the city for some of the other ritual celebrations in which the Molpoi took part and which involved a traditional *μολπόν (*μολπός), ritual of drinking and song. This notably included an ancient <foreign>chous</foreign> in the possession of the community, which was presumably used to serve wine or make libations; cp. the <foreign>chous</foreign> provided to the priestly personnel, presumably by the city, in the sacrificial calendar at Miletos: <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref>, fr. A, lines 7-8. By implication from the fact that most of these occasions are not further described in the dossier, we may consider that these were important civic festivals in which the Molpoi themselves may not have had the principal role, but in which the city nonetheless was responsible for contributing to the sacrifices of the group (thereby of course further underlining their importance for the overall political and religious framework of the community). This is also clear from the fact that the Basileus is mentioned prominently as participating in these occasions, as one of the Molpoi (τούτοισι τοῖς ἱεροῖσιν ὁ βασιλεὺς παρίσταται; see above on this official). At any rate, these were not "minor" feasts of Apollo. With the exception of the Hebdomaia which occur last (but were perhaps a regular celebration, happening every month? see above at lines 4-6), the festivals appear to be listed in chronological order. The first of these celebrations is the procession to Didyma in Taureon, which is reprised in greater detail below in lines 23-31. Here, the concern is to specify that for the annual Hekatomb which will take place in Didyma, the city provides three adult sacrificial animals, one with an unspecified gender, one female and one male (uncastrated). These animals might all be sacrificed to Apollo at Didyma (for both male and female animals offered to this god, cp. <ref target="CGRN_151">CGRN 151</ref>, Halasarna, lines 26-27) or they might imply sacrifices to a triad there, such as Apollo, Artemis and Leto. If the latter hypothesis is correct, we might expect Apollo to have received the male animal, while perhaps Leto received the explicitly female one: cp. e.g. <ref target="CGRN_34">CGRN 34</ref> (Epidauros); for an adult ewe offered to Leto, see also <ref target="CGRN_86">CGRN 86</ref> C (Kos), line 4. The second festival mentioned are the Targelia (in the month Targelion, the second in the Milesian calendar), which equally represented one of the most important celebrations of Apollo Delphinios; the god could even be considered to have this additional epithet, Targelios: cp. <bibl type="abbr" n="IGDO">IGDO</bibl> 59 (Olbia, 5th century BC). It seems particularly clear from the later sale of the priesthood of Rome at Miletos that a civic festival was held on the 7th of Thargelion, to which the <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> should now add sacrifices to the Roman Demos and to Rome (<bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.7">Milet I.7</bibl> 203, lines 26-30). A similar parallel is provided by <ref target="CGRN_81">CGRN 81</ref>, from Thebes-on-the-Mykale, with reference to the calendar of Miletos; at line 7 there, it seems to be specified that the Targelia may also have included the 8th and 9th days of the month Targelion. For the Thargelia in Athens, see also here <ref target="CGRN_20">CGRN 20</ref>, FaceC, lines 5-9, and <ref target="CGRN_21">CGRN 21</ref>, lines 3-15. Aside from the Hebdomaia, the last festival mentioned is the Metageitnia, which occured in Metageitnion, the fifth month at Miletos. Information on the date is not as readily available, though the 7th of the month is again a good guess: cp. the 7th of Metageitnion in the <foreign>genos</foreign> of the Salaminioi at Athens (<ref target="CGRN_84">CGRN 84</ref>, lines 89-90; or the 7th of Pedageitnyos at Kamiros, <ref target="CGRN_114">CGRN 114</ref>); more tentatively, the sale of the priesthood of Rome at Miletos might suggest that the 12th of Metageitnion was important occasion for the community: <bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.7">Milet I.7</bibl> 203, lines 31-33.</p>
						
<p>Lines 23-31 (procession to Didyma): As discussed above, the procession to Didyma which is also briefly introduced in lines 18-19, forms a part of the ὄργια of the Molpoi codified in this dossier.  Herda's commentary (p. 259-385) is masterful on the topography building on the work of other German archaeologists, such as Gödeken and Schneider; we refer the reader to these works for further details and only provide a relatively brief summary as well as some interesting highlights here. It is likely that the procession took place on 10 Taureon or, more probably, shortly afterward. Indeed, the clause which appears to begin the passage here picks up some of the phraseology and rituals mentioned for on the 9th day (see above at lines 6-18) and also vaguely specifies that this is to take place "in Taureon". Specifically, the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> are to commence the sacrifice by making first-offerings "from the left portions" (ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν); see again above at lines 6-18. This appears to represent a preliminary sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios in the Delphinion, before the commencement of the procession proper; four kraters are also poured for wine-drinking, presumably by a single individual (the new <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign>?) given the participle κρητηρίσας. Next, two objects called γυλλοί are to be set up, demarcating the boundaries of the procession at either end: one next to Hekate at the city-gates is to be crowned and receive libations of unmixed wine, the other is to be placed similarly at the gates of Didyma; Hekate herself was worshipped in the Delphinion, as attested by a small cylindrical altar of the early 5th century BC (<bibl type="abbr" n="Milet I.3">Milet I.3</bibl> 129; for a 6th-century-BC dedication to Hekate and also mentioning Apollo near Didyma—found on road between Tekagaç Burnu and Didyma—see <bibl type="abbr" n="I.Didyma">I.Didyma</bibl> 16). In other words, the γυλλοί serve as markers that frame the processional way, in the next clause defined as "the wide road that leads to the Akros, and from the Akros (height) through the Drymos (wood)"; for all these places, see Herda. Some debate exists concerning the identification of these objects. Recently, Herda plausibly follows the lemma of the Hsch. s.v. γύλλος· κύβος ἢ τετράγωνος λίθος. These would thus have been cuboid or tetragonal sacred stones. But Carbon (2013b) also points out that Hsch. s.v. γυλλοί glosses this as στολμοί, which would point to any form of "equipment", such as objects of cloth, or posts or pillars (the entry for γύλλος would then be a mistake for γύαλος). In this connection, a round limestone block with a *circular* indentation on the upper side has been found, which marked the entrance of Archaic Didyma (cf. Schneider, p. 128-129). We might thus suppose that the γυλλοί were types of objects which more conspicuously announced the procession at hand and which were perhaps lighter than stone cubes to be carried all the way along the procession. The Archaic sacrificial calendar of Miletos confirms that pairs of γυλλοί were used in other sacrifices to define the boundaries of a procession or a celebration in and around the city: <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref>, fr. A, lines 1-3. As Herda notes, there are seven principal stops to be made by <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> on their way from the gates of Miletos to those of Didyma (the symbolic aspects of this number are not so clear, however). This procession would have spanned over 18 km, moving rather slowly with animals; including the stops, it would surely have taken the better part of a day. In a normal year, only paeans were sung at the stops (παιωνίζεται πρῶτον...): 1. Next to Hekate at the gates of Miletos (also with a libation in this case, as we have seen); 2. By Dunamis (Herda, p. 289-293, views this as a personification of the "Power" of the magistrates at Miletos; while recognising that the noun is used rather late of divine force, cf. <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> s.v. δύναμις VI and VII, Herda's interpretation is probably to be cautioned); 3. By the Nymphs (attested also epigraphically in a now lost boustrophedon inscription on a seated female statuette, see Herda); 4. By Hermes Egkelados (Herda supposes that this refers to a potamonym near Panormos, close to the city—Keladon was a hero living in Oikous; but an inscription, on an astragalos, may point to ΕΓΚΕΛΑΔΟ|Σ as an epithet in and of itself; see also Hsch. s.v. ᾿Εγκέλαδος for an epithet of Athena meaning "Noisy" or perhaps "Clamorous", based on the name of a giant); 5. By Phylios (probably an epithet of Apollo, but not one necessarily having link to the tribes of Miletos, <foreign>pace</foreign> Herda; cp. e.g. Str. 9.5.14 on Φύλλιος in Thessaly, perhaps Apollo or Zeus named after a local mountain); 6. Below (κατά) Keraites (clearly an epithet of Apollo again; Herda cites <title>EM</title> for this, itself referring to Callimachus, but this does not show any "initiatic" connotations of the god; he is also known in Cyprus—<bibl type="abbr" n="SEG">SEG</bibl> 20, 138—and in Arkadia); 7. Finally, the last paean is performed παρὰ Χαρέω ἀνδριᾶσιν (these are the well-known seated statues of the kings of Teichioussa and the Branchidai found outside the gates of the sanctuary at Didyma; cf. esp. <bibl type="abbr" n="I.Didyma">I.Didyma</bibl> 6, ca. 570-550 BC: Χαρῆς εἰμι ὀ Κλέσιος Τειχιόσης ἀρχός· ἄγαλμα το̑ Ἀπόλλωνος; these statues, while not divine, had  a century later perhaps assumed a form of heroic status, or alternatively, were viewed as referring to Apollo himself, as notably read in the dedicatory phrase ἄγαλμα το̑ Ἀπόλλωνος). The passage concludes, lines 30-31, with a description of the few sacrifices along the processional way that took place. The first, to Keraites, occurred during the Panthyos year (τῶι πανθύωι ἔτει); on this specific year, occurring with an unknown periodicity but perhaps a precursor to the penteteric Didymeia of the late Hellenistic period, see above.  The sacrifice in this case was intriguingly a flayed animal, δαρτόν, which might resonate with the epithet of the god (the hide perhaps being treated separately as "horned" remnant of the sacrifice; on flayed sacrificial animals, see here <ref target="CGRN_26">CGRN 26</ref>, Athens, Face B, lines 2-3, and <ref target="CGRN_66">CGRN 66</ref>, Chios, line 11). Sacrifices to Phylios, uniquely of all the gods on the processional way, take place every year; it is unclear why this is the case. The word θύον in the plural should probably, as often, refer to the offering of vegetal, such as incense for burning (this would also mean that the sacrifice could be expediently accomplished); alternatively, θύα might refer to generic sacrificial animal, more usually called θύματα (in this case, one each year); cp. θύα (from θύος there?) in this sense at line 43. </p>
						
<p>Lines 31-42 (duties and privileges of the Onitadai): This large final section of the dossier (aside from the later addenda) introduces the Onitadai, which were earlier alluded to in lines 17-18; there is notably also a reference to an earlier decree of the Molpoi, lines 40-42, which seems to have discussed from which sources of income the Onitadai were to derive the provisions that they needed to furnish for the sacrifices; if funds were lacking, the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> would see to this; if the Onitadai failed in some respect with regard to their duty, money ἀπὸ τῶν Ἰστιηίων, i.e. probably from the treasury of Hestia in the sanctuary of the Molpoi, would be used. As far as one can reconstruct it, the Onitadai were a <foreign>genos</foreign> or clan of ritual specialists at Miletos, deriving their name from a legendary hero or ancestor (probably the son of Heracles called Onites: see Herda), and with a special tie to the rituals of the Molpoi. The first section of the passage discusses the items which they must provide for each ritual occasion, no doubt during both the ὄργια described in the dossier and the other occasions when a *μολπόν took place. These involves ceramic ware, iron and bronze implements, wood for the sacrifices and water for dowsing, as well as a few other objects. The κύκλοι mentioned here were probably circular trays or platters for the carrying of meat and other offerings, cp. the bronze κύκλος involved in the sacrifices of the cult of Diomedon on Kos, <ref target="CGRN_96">CGRN 96</ref>, line 130. The torch then mentioned, along with the lamp and oil (λύχνον καὶ ἄλειφα) provided by the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> has led Herda to conclude that some of the rituals of the Molpoi will have taken place at night. This is possible, but the single torch for each ritual may simply have been used to light the fire on the altar during the daytime, while the lamp more plausibly provided illumination for the nocturnal drinking parties of the Molpoi. The ῥιποί were straw-mats for the laying of meat and other elements of the rituals; these are not to be taken with κρέα ἐπιδιαιρε̑ν (<foreign>pace</foreign> Herda), as Carbon has argued (p. 32 n. 20). Rather,  the epexegetic infinitive is to be taken with the following word φαλαγκτηρίων. These are blocks of wood (as <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> correctly understands the <foreign>hapax legomenon</foreign>; cf. s.v. φάλαγξ II) used “for cutting up meat”, i.e. wooden chopping-blocks or cutting-boards. Noteworthy is also the mention here, rarely found otherwise in epigraphical sources, of ties (δεσμοί, i.e. ropes or chains?) for the sacrificial animals. Next we find a wholly remarkable list of the duties that the Onitadai undertook during the sacrifices, after providing these furnishings. The sense of the list is not completely clear since abstract nouns in -σις usually follow nouns in the genitive, except in the first case. We have an epigraphically rare attestation of the roasting of viscera (ὄπτησις σπλάγχνων), presumably over the altar fire as is often depicted in Greek vase painting (see Ekroth, p. 94-95). This is followed by the boiling of meats (see Ekroth, p. 99). The next elements of this phrase would seem to imply that the Onitadai boiled and divided (ἕψησις καὶ διαίρεσις) both the ὀσφύς and the enigmatic portion called the πεμπάς (see above at lines 6-18). It would strange for the ὀσφύς to be boiled, since it was usually set on the altar fire to become curled: see esp. here <ref target="CGRN_42">CGRN 42</ref> (Iasos), line 2. Perhaps only the πεμπάς was meant, but the preserved syntax makes this unlikely. Another clause defines the offering of cakes to Apollo and Hekate; the Onitadai are presumably to concoct these (ἐπιπέσσεν). The rule seems to draw a distinction between the cakes offered to Apollo and Hekate. The usual way of interpreting the phrase (see also Herda) is that it distinguished the flat cakes (ἔλατρα ... πλακόντινα) that were made for Apollo from a half-<foreign>medimnos</foreign> of flour, from those for Hekate, that were made "separately" (χωρίς) or in a different place. There are perhaps two better ways of interpreting the adverb χωρίς here. First, it could imply that the cakes for Hekate were simply made "without" the flour used for Apollo (cf. <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> s.v. χωρίς II); the cakes might then have been "wheat-free", made of honey or other substances. Second, χωρίς might mean that the cakes for Hekate were made "differently" (cf. <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> s.v. χωρίς 2 and II.4)  from those for Apollo, i.e. moulded in a different shape than as πλακόντινα, to which χωρίς is most likely to be in opposition (cakes for Hekate are known to have ressembled the πλακοῦς, while also being lighted with small torches or candles: see Athen. 14.645a). The adjective πλακούντινος denotes that the cakes for Apollo were to be small and round, perhaps shaped like a mallow-seed; for ἐλατήρ as a generic cake or type of cake, see here <ref target="CGRN_176">CGRN 176</ref> (Priene), lines 10-12 (made in the shape of animals?). The Onitadai were not merely butchers or sacrificial assistants (cf. Herda), but seem to have received many privileged portions from the sacrifices, thus testifying to the great honour in which they were held as cultic officials. Among their perquisites are many of those usually reserved for priests: all of the ὀσφύες except the ones granted to the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign> (presumably these only received one from each sacrifice, while the Onitadai received all the rest if there were more sacrificial animals involved?); all of the valuable skins of the sacrifical animals (for priests receiving these, cf. e.g. <ref target="CGRN_14">CGRN 14</ref>, Gortyn, lines 4-6); three θυαλήματα from each sacrificial animal (these were presumably portions of meat, as Herda argues); the remaining incense from the sacrifices (cp. here e.g. <ref target="CGRN_36">CGRN 36</ref>, line 3, and <ref target="CGRN_41">CGRN 41</ref>, line 9, both from Chios); any remaining wine in the krater; and finally a πεμπὰς "of the day" (τῆς ἡμέρης). As Herda correctly interprets this last phrase, it would seem that the Onitadai received another "fifth" portion just like the <foreign>stephanephoroi</foreign>, and the addition of "of the day" might imply that they only received one such portion for each day of the festivals or sacrifices.</p>
						
<p>Lines 43-44 et 45: On these two addenda concerning the herald and the cantor, both of uncertain date though probably belonging in some measure to the Classical dossier of the Molpoi, see above. It is unclear if the herald is a civic official here or, perhaps less likely, one of the Molpoi himself; a herald was presumably responsible for announcing the civic festival of Apollo Delphinios which is mentioned in the Archaic sacrificial calendar of Miletos, <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref>, fr. A, line 12. At any rate, he does not seem to share the same responsibilities as the Onitadai and the Molpoi, being exempt (ἀτελείη) of all supplies during the celebration of a *μολπόν; he may also bring wine to the "coolers" at his own expense, presumably for the drinking-party, but the monopoly for the supply and purchase of the wine seems to belong to the Molpoi. The herald receives small sacrificial perquisites, only a portion obtained by lot of the viscera; for a quarter of the viscera as a standard portion in Karia, cf. here <ref target="CGRN_42">CGRN 42</ref> (Iasos), line 3, with further refs. The singer or cantor (ᾠδός, ἀοιδός) may have been a professional bard that was contracted by the Molpoi for ritual occasions, or a member of the group himself. At any rate, his duties were clearly expected to last for the better part of day or even into the night: <foreign>aisymnetes</foreign> was to give him a lunch during the celebrations, while the priest of Apollo was to provide him dinner. For lunches provided to sacrificial performers and attendants, see here  <ref target="CGRN_32">CGRN 32</ref> (Thorikos), lines 15-16 (to an attendant; cp. also 2-3), and <ref target="CGRN_94">CGRN 94</ref> (Eleusis), col. A, lines 6-7 (to the hierophant and the herald). For the role of the singer(s) in the cult of Apollo, cf. also <ref target="CGRN_34">CGRN 34</ref> (Epidauros), lines 31-33 (Apollo with Asclepius).</p>
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