As this decree of the city of Delphi records, the Delphians had sent two consecutive embassies to Attalos II Philadelphos of Pergamon in order to ask for his generosity in providing for the education of the boys of the city (lines 1-5 of the text). When the second effort was successful, the king donated 18 000 Alexandrian drachmae for this purpose, as well as a supplementary 3 000 drachmae for honorific ceremonies and sacrifices (αἱ τιμαὶ καὶ θυσίαι, line 9; cf. lines 5-9); the latter perhaps appear to have been an initiative of the sovereign, in response probably to existing sacrifices in his name (see below). The Delphians decided to consecrate the money to Apollo, and to then lend it out, in order to pay for the teachers and the festival from the interest (lines 10-14). The decree records decisions on the procedures for the loans, the appointment of officials in this context, and the penalties for misuse of the money. For a discussion of this document and other donations, see Harris, p. 72-75.

This document is part of a group of four decrees concerning donations by Attalos II and his brother Eumenes II to the city of Delphi (see Choix Delphes 165-168). Two other decrees describe the sending of ambassadors to Eumenes II and the king's gift of a large sum of money to buy grain and a smaller sum to celebrate the Eumenia, to restore the theatre, and to carry out other works (Bringmann - von Steuben, 93 E1, E2). A slightly later decree, CGRN 204 (Bringmann - von Steuben, 93 E1, E2), concerns the details of the organisation of a (posthumous) festival for Eumenes II, which included sacrifices, a procession, a banquet, and a torch-race. Those festivities were to be celebrated on the 12th of the month Herakleios: this is one day before the Attaleia (see lines 60-65). Many phrases in CGRN 204 are highly similar or identical to the text of the present inscription. Moreover, the Delphic foundation of Alkesippos, a somewhat earlier document dated to 182 BC (LSCG 81 / Choix Delphes 137) apparently served as a partial model for the foundations of the Attaleia and the Eumeneia. As part of his will, this private individual from Kalydo, donated a sum of gold and silver so that the Delphians could organize, using the interest on the capital, a sacrifice and a δαμοθοινία; it was also stipulated that they should call the festival (ποτονομάζειν) the Alkesippeia. The festival was to take place in Herakleios, with a procession departing from the circular "threshing-floor" led by the priest of Apollo and prominent magistrates. Clearly, many elements of Alkesippos' endowment match those of Eumenes and Attalos. The parallel phrasing in this decree may be taken as a further argument that the Attaleia and Eumeneia are not strictly speaking examples of divine honours for these rulers: rather, they represent gifts to the city which honoured the local gods, while at the same time memorialising the benefactors in the names of the new festivals.

The largest part of the decree, not reproduced here (lines 1-52 and lines 68ff.), describes in great detail under which conditions the loans are to be given out, and how the proper use of the donation could be guaranteed. The measures that are taken make sure that only a few loans were made, and that the debtors would be (relatively) trustworthy. Since it was not possible to lend an amount of money lower than 5 minai (500 drachmae), and a piece of land worth twice the amount of the loan was to serve as a security, it seems likely that only the rich would benefit from the opportunity. The interest rate of 6.67 % being very low and the term of five years being rather long, the loans would also be very attractive to this group and so it would have been easy to find takers (cf. Sosin). A committee of three epimeletai was to be appointed to arrange all this, to pay the teachers, and to organize the festival. Any individual or magistrate who appropriated a sum of money would be persecuted for theft of sacred funds and had to pay it back eight-fold; if any decree was proposed or passed concerning a new destination for these moneys, the decree would be declared void. The epimeletai had to account for their management and use of these funds; if they could not do so satisfactorily they would also be persecuted for theft of sacred money.

The part that is reproduced here (lines 53-67) concerns the festival that was organized and called "Attaleia", which comprised sacrifices, a meal, and a procession. We encounter some interpretative difficulties regarding the first sentence (line 53-57). We read, translating portions of text in a linear way, that the epimeletai need to sacrifice three oxen, which the citizens give (οὕς κα οἱ πολῖται δῶντι), to Apollo and Leto and Artemis, and also the other sacrificial animals (τὰ ἀλλὰ ἱερεῖα) as it has been ordained ([καθ]ὼς διατέτακται), [ὑπ]ὲρ τὸν βασιλέα Ἄτταλον. One main difficulty here is the translation of the preposition ὑπὲρ + acc. (if the restoration is correct), another is the scope of the phrase "ὑπὲρ King Attalos". Both Haussoullier and Laum interpret the sentence as being divided in two parts: a sacrifice (of three oxen) for the three gods, and another sacrifice (of other animals) for King Attalos. Haussoullier translates "et les autres victimes ainsi qu'il a été décidé en l'honneur d'Attale". His interpretation seems to be the same as that of Laum: "das Dekret der Stadt ordnet ein Opfer für die Göttertrias Apollon, Leto und Artemis an, bestimmt ferner ein Opfer zu Ehren (ὑπέρ + acc.) des Stifters, nach dessen namen das Opfer 'Ἀττάλεια' gennant wird" (p. 64). This reading seems problematic. The most recent commentator, Bringmann, follows an old article by Daux, who studied the epigraphical attestations of ὑπὲρ + acc. and who argued that the only correct usage of ὑπὲρ + acc. in inscriptions is "in name of X, representing X, in the place of X". Thus, the sacrifices do not take place "in honour of Attalos", and Attalos is not given cultic honours as in ruler cult. Rather, "the sacrifice, which they proclaim as Attaleia" (ποραγ[ορ]εύοντες τὰν θυσ[ί]|αν Ἀττάλεια, lines 56-57) is made "in name of Attalos": the city makes sacrifices on his behalf. As far as the addition [καθ]ὼς διατέτακται is concerned, in Daux's view, the city of Delphi had decided to inaugurate sacrifices (it is not clear to which gods) which they performed in the name of King Attalos, even before they sent two embassees to Attalos to ask for his generosity. Thus, those sacrifices took place [καθ]ὼς διατέτακται. Later, when Attalos offered to contribute money for these sacrifices, the city of Delphi decided to add or continue to pay for three oxen, to be offered to Apollo, Leto and Artemis. The whole series of sacrifices together would then be performed ὑπὲρ τὸν Βασιλέα Ἄτταλον, in the king's name, but in honour of these Delphic gods. For the debate concerning sacrifices and dedications with ὑπέρ followed by the name of a king, see Iossif and Caneva.

Lines 54-55: The "family group" of Leto, Apollo and Artemis is sometimes referred to as the "Delphic triad", but more often as the "Delian" one. These three gods are frequently depicted together in vase-paintings and statues. In epigraphy, another sacrifice to these three gods occurs in a regulation dating to 380/379, emanating from the Delphic Amphictyony (cf. LSCG 78). Elsewhere in our Collection, Apollo, Leto and Artemis receive collective worship at Epidauros (cf. CGRN 34).

Lines 57-58: It is not fully clear what the stipulation καταχρείσθωσαν δὲ τὰ κρέα ἐν τὰν δαμοθοινίαν (an exact parallel in CGRN 204, lines 6-7) means. It may have been a requirement to consume the sacrificial meat on the spot, during the public feast (there and then), as for example in CGRN 141 (Lindos), line 5: τὰ θυθέντ[α αὐτεῖ] καταχρῆ[σθαι]. More broadly, the intention of the phrase appears to specify not only the timing or the place, but the participants of the meal, which would be the whole citizen body or δᾶμος, no portions being apparently reserved for special individuals. Fourty metretai is a substantial amount, about 1560 litres of wine (Hausoullier, p. 175).

Lines 58-59: The stipulation that animals need to be "ready" the day before the festival seems unparalleled, though not unexpected. Perhaps this requirement was related to the purchase of the animals, which should not happen at the last moment; cf. also CGRN 86 A (Kos), for the elaborate selection of an ox on the day prior to the sacrifice.

Lines 59-63: The procession took place with a heavy delegation, consisting of all priests, prominent political figures, and the boys themselves. These male children form an appropriate part of the procession, being in some sense the main beneficiaries of the donation. The requirement of "wearing a wreath" (ἐστεφανωμένοι) could grammatically belong to only the latter or to all of these groups: it is therefore possible that only the boys wore wreaths, but also that all participants did so; cf. CGRN 185 (Lampsakos), lines 17-18, for an example in which all citizens wore wreaths during the time of the festival. The procession held in the context of the Alkesippeia at Delphi (LSCG 81) also started from the ἅλως, the Circular Area which has been traditionally (but not necessarily convincingly) located at the heart of the sanctuary, in front of the Stoa of the Athenians and near the inscribed statue of Attalos II (see the map in Bommelaer - Laroche, p. 140); cf. the procession during the Eumeneia (CGRN 204) for the same location, with further discussion in the Commentary at lines 8-16.

Lines 63-65: It is not entirely clear precisely which aspect of these measures is to be performed "as usual" (καθὼς εἴθισται). In a decree concerning the Eumenia, CGRN 204 (Delphi), we find almost exactly the same prescription: οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ἐ|πεί κα πομπεύσωντι, κατευχέσθωσαν τὰ Εὐμένεια καθὼς νομίζεται (lines 19-20). The "customary" way of doing things was no doubt proclaiming the name of the benefactor and making other invocations, so that his contribution would be remembered and his person would be honoured in perpetuity (cf. also Haussoullier, p. 175). A further possibility is that the sacrifices made in the name of Attalos were already in place before the king's donation (Daux's hypothesis, cf. Commentary above), and so the proclamation of his name was already something which had become "customary", καθὼς εἴθισται.

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