CGRN 156

Sacrificial calendar of Mykonos

Date :

ca. 230-200 BC

Justification: lettering and context (see Reger).

Provenance

Mykonos . Found in 1842, built into the lower roof of a small church dedicated to Hagia Marina at the place called Leno/Lenos (ca. 3 km SSE of the modern town of Mykonos). Now in the Epigraphical Museum in Athens (inv. no. 10289).

Support

Tall marble stele, badly weathered, especially in the lower half. Fragments of a kymation are visible at the top of one earlier face, preserving the text SIG³ 1215; the calendar edited below is inscribed on the back of the stele.

  • Height: 25 cm
  • Width: 112 cm
  • Depth: 19.5 cm

Layout

Paragraphoi are inscribed before each dated entry, sometimes also to distinguish simultaneous but apparently separate events (see at the end of line 24, and the commentary further below). Rather than occurring in the margin as in other texts, in this inscription they take the form of a lengthy (two-letter space) incised horizontal in the middle of letter register; the horizontal dash (here represented by —) is also elegantly serifed.

Letters: 9-10 mm high (on both sides); 5 mm high for omicron and theta in the sacrificial calendar.

Two marginal inscriptions (A and B) are inscribed on the left side of the face bearing the calendar, at the equivalent of lines 16 and 30-31 on the front face respectively.The first in particular seems to be closely related to the calendar, given that the writing runs close to the face bearing the calendar, with the final alpha only partly visible at the corner of the stele. The lettering is larger and more uneven than the inscribed face, 15 mm high.

Bibliography

With thanks to the Epigraphical Museum in Athens, the edition here is based on the revision of Carbon from autopsy and using Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) photography. The only full and reasonably accurate edition until now was that of Koumanoudis (cf. also von Prott).

Other editions: Le Bas - Waddington LBW II 2058 (majuscule text); Koumanoudis 1873 (including fragmentary traces to line 62 and uniquely including a mention of the marginalia); Latyschew 1888 (majuscule facsimile, up to line 42).

Cf. also: von Prott LGS I 4 (from autopsy of Koerte, including fragmentary traces to line 62); Dittenberger - Hiller von Gaertringen SIG³ 1024; Sokolowski LSCG 96.

Further bibliography: Deubner 1932: 125-126; Butz 1996: 88-92 no. 4, with partial ph. fig. 9; Brun 1996; Parker 1996: 256; Trümpy 1997: 55-59 and 63-65; Reger 2001; Pirenne-Delforge 2004: 174-175; Parker 2011: 55.

Text


Main face


vacat θεοὶ, τύχηι ἀγαθῆι· vacat
ἐπ᾽ ἀρχόντων Κρατίνου, Πολυζήλου, Φιλόφρονος, ὅτε
συνωικίσθησαν αἱ πόλεις, τάδε ἔδοξεν Μυκονίοις προ-
θύειν
πρὸς τοῖς πρότερον καὶ ἐπηνορθώθη περὶ τῶν προτέ-
5ρων
Ποσιδεῶνος δυωδεκάτει Ποσειδῶνι Τεμενίτηι
κριὸς καλλιστεύων λευκὸς ἐνόρχης· ὁ κριὸς ἐς πόλιν [ο]ὐ-
κ
ἐσαγέται· νῶτογ καὶ πλάτη κόπτεται· ἡ πλάτη σπένδε-
ται
· τῶι ἱερεῖ γλῶσσα καὶ βραχίων· τῆι αὐτῆι ἡμέραι Ποσει-
δῶνι
Φυκίωι ἀμνὸς λευκὸς ἐνόρχης· γυναικὶ οὐ θέμις· καὶ
10ἀπὸ τοῦ τέλους τῶν ἰχθύων βουλὴ πριαμένη ἱερεῖα εἴκο-
σι
δραχμῶν διδότω· τῆι αὐτῆι ἡμέραι Δήμητρι Χλόηι ὕες
δύο καλλιστεύουσαι· ἑτέρη ἐγκύμ[ω]ν· νῶτογ κόπτετα[ι]
τῆς ἐγκύμονος· τὰς ὗς βουλ κρ[ι]ντω· [ἱ]ερέαι ἄρχοντες
διδόντων ὀσφὺν καὶ κωλῆν τῆς ὑὸς τῆς ἑτέρης, ἀλφίτω[ν]
15δύο χοίνικας, οἴνου τρεῖς κοτύλ[α]ςΛηναιῶνος δεκάτηι
ἐπ̣᾽ ιδῆι ὑπὲρ καρποῦ Δήμητρι ὗν ἐνκύμονα πρωτοτόκον,
Κόρηι κάπρον τέλεον, Διὶ Βουλεῖ χοῖρον· ταῦτα διδόντων ἱε-
ροποιοὶ
ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀργυρίου καὶ ξύλα διδόντων καὶ ὀλς·
ἐπιμελέσθων δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν ὅπως καλὰ ἦι ἄρχοντες καὶ ἱε-
20ρεῖς
· ἐὰν δέ τι δέηι καλλιερεῖν, ἱεροποιοὶ διδόν[τ]ων· εἰς δὲ
τὴν ἑορτὴν β[αδ]ιζέτω Μυκονιάδωνβουλομέ[νη] καὶ τῶν οἰ-
κουσῶν
ἐμ Μυκό[ν]ωι ὅσαι ἐπὶ Δήμητρα τετέληνταιἑν-
δεκάτηι
ἐπὶ τὸ {ΤΟ} πλῆθος Σεμέληι ἐτήσιον· τοτο ἐνα-
τεύεται
δυωδεκάτηι Διονύσωι Ληνεῖ ἐτήσιονὑπ[ὲρ]
25καρμπῶν Διὶ Χθονίωι, Γῆι Χθονίηι δερτὰ μέλανα ἐτήσια·
ξένωι οὐ θέμις· δαινύσθων αὐτοῦΒακχιῶνος δεκ[ά]-
τηι
ἐν Δειράδ[ι] Διονύσωι Βακχεῖ χίμαρος καλλιστεύω[ν]·
τὴν τιμὴν ἱεροποιοὶ διδόντων καὶ συνεστιάσθων, δαι-
νύσθων
δὲ αὐτοῦἙκατομβαιῶνος ἑβδόμηι ἱσταμέ-
30νου
Ἀπόλλωνι Ἑκατομβίωι ταῦρος καὶ δέκα ἄρνες· νῶτον
τοῦ ταύρου κόπτεται· τῶι ἱερεῖ τοῦ ταύρου δίδοται γλῶσ-
σα
καὶ βραχίων· τῶν ἀρντῶν ὧν οἱ παῖδες θύουσιν, ἱερεῖ γλῶ[σ]-
σα
καὶ τῶι παιδὶ γλῶσσα ἑκατέρωι· ὧν οἱ νυμφίοι θύ[ου]σιν,
τῶν ἀρντῶν τῶι ἱερεῖ καὶ τῶι νυμφίωι γλῶσσα ἑκατέρωι· [τῆι]
35αὐτῆι ἡμέραι Ἀχελώιωι τέλειον καὶ δέκα [ἄρ]νες· τούτω τρ]-
[ί]α
, τέλειον καὶ ἕτερα δύο, πρὸς τῶι β[ω]μῶι σ[φάζ]εται, τ δ
[ἄ]λλα ἐς τὸν ποταμόν· ὁ ἐργαζόμεν[ος τὸ χ]ωρίον τὸ ΕΝΕΟ[.]
τοῦ Ἀχελώιου μίσθωμα ἀποδιδ[ό]τω [...c.6...] Ἀχελ[ώι]ωι βε
δ τοῦτο καταθυέσθω Ε[.]ΙΣΩ[....c.7...] πέμπτηι ἐπ δ-
40κα
ρχηγέτηι ἐτήσιον [.....c.9....]Τ[..]++ τι ἱερε
++++++ΕΙΕ+Θ+ δαινύσ[θων αὐτοῦ (?)] [..4..]Ε++ΙΛ++Ι++++
[...c.6...] Δ[ιὶ Β]ασιλεῖ Ε[..?..]
++++++ΓΗ[..?..]
[..?..]ΙΒΡΟΣ[......c.11.....]
45[..?..]ΛΕ[.......c.14.......]
[..?..]
[..?..]
[..?..]
[..?..]
50[..?..]
[..?..]
[...c.6...]ΤΟ[..?..]
[...c.6...]ΣΗ[..?..]
[...c.6...]ΕΞ[.]Ε[..?..]
55[....c.8.......c.6...]Ν κασκ[λος ..?..]
ΗΤΩ[...] χορος [..?..]
ΡΕΙΕΠ[..]ΣΣΙΕΙΕ[...]Π[..?..]
ΙΟΝ[..4..]ΕΙΟΥΕ[..?..]
ΕΩ[...] πόλλωνι Ε[..?..]
60[.]ΙΤ[..?..]
ΕΩ[...]ΕΟΜΕ[..?..]
[..?..]
[..4..]ΑΜ[.]ΛΟΥ ὅτε [..?..]
[..?..]

Marginalia A (at line 16)


Εὐετηρία

Marginalia B (at lines 30-31)


30Εὐετη-
ρία

Translation

Gods. With good fortune. Under the archons Kratinos, Polyzelos, and Philophron, when the cities came together in a synoikism, the Mykonians decided to fulfill the following sacrifices in addition to those (made) earlier and corrected concerning those (made) earlier.

{I} (5) On the 12th of Posideon, to Poseidon Temenites a ram, reckoned most beautiful, white, uncastrated; the ram is not led into the city; the back and the shoulderblade are chopped into; the shoulder-blade is libated (i.e. poured over with a libation); the tongue and a forearm (are given) to the priest; on the same day, to Poseidon Phykios, a lamb, white, uncastrated; not religiously allowed for a woman; and (10), when it buys the sacrificial animals for a price of 20 drachmae, let the council give (the money) from the revenues of the fish-tax; on the same day, to Demeter Chloe two sows, reckoned most beautiful; one of the two is pregnant; the back is chopped into from the pregnant one; let the council examine the sows; to the priestess, let the archons give the sacrum and a thigh from the other sow, (15) two choinikes of barley, three kotylai of wine.

{II} On the 10th of Lenaion, at the song for the sake of produce, to Demeter, a sow pregnant for the first time, to Kore an adult boar, to Zeus Bouleus a piglet; let the hieropoioi provide these (animals) from the sacred money and provide wood as well as barley-grains for the sacrifice; and the archons and the priests are to supervise the rites so that they are beautiful, (20) and if anything is lacking for the performance of beautiful sacrifices, let the hieropoioi provide it; and any Mykonian woman who wants, or those who live in Mykonos and are initiates of Demeter, can go the festival.

{III} On the 11th, at the gathering, to Semele a yearling; this is portioned in nine.

{IV} On the 12th, to Dionysos Leneus, a yearling;

{V} for the sake of (25) crops, to Zeus Chthonios and Ge Chthonie, black yearlings, flayed; not religiously allowed for strangers; let them consume (the meat) on the spot.

{VI} On the 10th of Bacchion, at Deiras, to Dionysos Bacchos, a winter-old he-goat reckoned most beautiful; the hieropoioi pay its price and feast together, and let them consume (the meat) on the spot.

{VII} On the 7th of Hekatombaion, (30) to Apollo Hekatombios, a bull and ten lambs; the back of the bull is chopped into; the tongue and a foreleg of the bull are given to the priest; from the lambs which the boys sacrifice, a tongue is given alternately to the priest or to a boy; from the lambs which the bride-grooms sacrifice, a tongue is given alternately to the priest or to a bride-groom. (35) On the same day, to Acheloos an adult animal and ten lambs; three of these, the adult animal and two others, have their throats slit next to the altar, the rest into the river; the one who cultivates the place at [...] of Acheloos is to pay the rent-money [...] for Acheloos [...] and this is sacrificed [...].

{VIII} On the 15th, (40) to the Archagetes, a yearling [...] to the priest [...] let them consume (the meat) [on the spot (?)].

{IX} [... to Zeus (?)] Basileus [...]

[... (50) ...] and a leg [...] a piglet [...] to Apollo (60) [...] when [...]

Marginalia A (line 16): Eueteria.

Marginalia B (lines 30-31): Eueteria.

Traduction

Dieux. À la bonne fortune. Sous l’archontat de Kratinos, Polyzelos et Philophron, lorsque les cités se sont unies par synécisme, il a plu aux gens de Mykonos d’accomplir les sacrifices suivants, outre ceux qui l’étaient auparavant, et ils ont amendé ceux qui l’étaient auparavant.

{I} (5) Le 12 Posideon, à Poséidon Temenites, un bélier qui l’emporte par sa beauté, de couleur blanche, non castré; le bélier n’est pas amené dans la cité; le dos et l’omoplate sont entaillés; on verse une libation sur l’omoplate; au prêtre, la langue et l’épaule; le même jour, à Poséidon Phykios, un agneau blanc, non castré; ce n’est pas religieusement permis à une femme; et, (10) lorsque le conseil achète les animaux sacrificiels pour une valeur de 20 drachmes, qu'il donne (la somme) des revenus sur la taxe des poissons ; le même jour, pour Déméter Chloe, deux truies qui l’emportent par leur beauté; l’une des deux est pleine; le dos de la bête pleine est entaillé; que le conseil examine les truies; à la prêtresse, que les archontes donnent le sacrum et une patte de l’autre truie, (15) deux chénices d’orge, trois kotyles de vin.

{II} Le 10 Lenaion, au chant pour la récolte, à Déméter, une truie pleine primipare, à Korè, un sanglier adulte, à Zeus Bouleus, un porcelet; que les hiéropes les fournissent sur l’argent sacré et fournissent du bois ainsi que des grains d’orge sacrificiels; que les archontes et le prêtre veillent aux cérémonies afin qu’elles soient aussi belles que possible; (20) si quelque chose vient à manquer pour l’accomplissement de beaux sacrifices, que les hiéropes y pourvoient; que se rende à la fête celle qui le souhaite parmi les citoyennes de Mykonos et parmi les habitantes de Mykonos qui sont initiées à Déméter.

{III} Le 11, lors de l’assemblée, à Sémélé, un petit de l’année; on en fait neuf parts.

{IV} Le 12, à Dionysos Leneus, un petit de l’année;

{V} pour (25) les récoltes, à Zeus Chthonios et à Ge Chthoniè, des petits de l’année de couleur noire, écorchés; cela n’est pas religieusement permis aux étrangers; à consommer sur place.

{VI} Le 10 Bacchion, à Deiras, à Dionysos Bacchos, un chevreau de l’hiver précédent qui l’emporte par sa beauté; que les hiéropes en paient le prix et dînent ensemble; à consommer sur place.

{VII} Le 7 Hekatombaion, (30) à Apollon Hekatombios, un taureau et dix agneaux; le dos du taureau est entaillé; au prêtre que soient données la langue et une épaule du taureau; sur les agneaux sacrifiés par les enfants, qu’une langue soit donnée alternativement au prêtre et à l’enfant; sur les agneaux sacrifiés par les jeunes mariés, au prêtre et au jeune marié, une langue alternativement. (35) Le même jour, à Acheloos, un animal adulte et dix agneaux; pour trois d’entre eux, l’animal et adulte et deux autres, qu’on leur tranche la gorge près de l’autel, le reste en direction de la rivière; que celui qui exploite le terrain à [...] d’Acheloos paie le loyer [...] à Acheloos [...] et que cela soit sacrifié [...].

{VIII} Le 15, (40) à l’Archégète, un petit de l’année [...] au prêtre [...] à consommer [sur place (?)].

{IX} [... à Zeus (?)] Basileus [...]

[... (50) ...] et une patte [...] un porcelet [...] à Apollon (60) [...] quand [...]

Marginalia A (line 16): Eueteria.

Marginalia B (lines 30-31): Eueteria.

Commentary

Among the sacrificial calendars included in the present Collection, this example provides unusually explicit internal details about its context. Despite what some previous scholars have claimed using letterforms (most recently Butz), one side of the stele is clearly the original, since it preserves traces of a now damaged kymation moulding at its top (see above on Support); the other side, the one with the sacrificial calendar, is therefore inscribed on the back of the stele, which has been reworked to display a further text. The first side of the stele preserves a dotal inscription (SIG³ 1215), that is to say a record of dowries given by fathers to their daughters or other female relatives. Reger (p. 176) fairly recently followed Koumanoudis in dating this text to the late fourth or early third century BC (a date in the early Hellenistic period is indeed likely, Carbon). Reger (see already Koumanoudis) has also convincingly restored at least two archons as part of its dating formula, lines 1-3: [ἐπ᾽ ἀρχόν]τ̣ων Σωστράτου [(1-2 other names)] | ἀγαθῆι τύχηι | Σ]στρατος : Ἀρ(?) τὴν θυγατέρα Ξάνθην ἐνηγγύησεν [Ἐπαρχίδει] κτλ. The stele was therefore reused, probably in the final decades of the third century BC following the date of Reger, to accommodate the sacrificial calendar, which is prefaced in a similar way by a group of three archons. The dowry inscription and the findspot of the stele, as vague as they may now be, are suggestive about further elements of the context. The place called Leno/Lenos on Mykonos where the stele was found (see above on Provenance) seems to preserve an ancient place name. That it reflects a sanctuary of Dionysus Leneus, a Lenaion, seems highly probable (cf. Reger, p. 167), given that the cult of this god, probably in an extra-urban sanctuary, is in evidence in the calendar itself (see on lines 15-26). From the perspective of official record-keeping, it would therefore seem that the Mykonians inscribed a copy of this sacrificial calendar in the sanctuary, and this might also begin to explain why a version of the dotal inscription would have been inscribed at the Lenaion. This was a sanctuary which appears to have been situated close to one of Demeter (cf. again lines 15-26) and which manifestly received widespread female participation. Dionysus moreover appears to have been one of the major gods worshipped on Mykonos, as is attested by various sources on the good (but perhaps not excellent) wine of the island, and especially by its coinage, which often exhibits, from the fourth century BC onward, a bust of Dionysus on the obverse and a bunch of grapes on the reverse (see again Reger). The Lenaion where this stele was erected will thus have been an important sanctuary for the communities on Mykonos.

The preamble of the calendar is further informative about both its context and its content. As an abbreviated decree, prefaced by the name of three archons, it is explicitly dated to a time "when the cities decided to come together in one oikos" (ὅτε συνωικίσθησαν αἱ πόλεις). As a result, scholars such as Butz and Reger have understandably focussed on how the calendar informs us about the synoikism of the island. According to Reger, this process of union between the cities on the island would plausibly have occurred in the decades intervening between the two inscriptions on the stele (perhaps ca. 250 BC). Reger's dating would readily match the chronology of the literary sources concerning the political constitution of Mykonos. Pseudo-Skylax in the 330s BC calls Mykonos (p. 22): αὕτη δίπολις; while a saying reported first by Strabo (10.487) says that to make a confused mixture or hodge-podge of things is to find “all things under one Mykonos” (πάνθ᾽ ὑπὸ μίαν Μύκονον) or, in other sources (e.g. Themistius 21, 250c; Plu. QC 1.2.2), “to pour all things together, just as one Mykonos” (ὥσπερ εἰς Μύκονον μίαν). In other words, Mykonos will certainly have had two cities at the beginning of the Hellenistic period, while its synoikism in ca. 250 BC and presumably the diverse body of citizens and foreigners dwelling on the island, will perhaps have been at the origin of the proverbs. Few archaeological investigations have taken place on Mykonos, and the precise site of ancient towns on the island remains somewhat unclear. The likeliest candidates for two πόλεις are the modern town of Mykonos on the western side of the island, which probably overlies an ancient site and which perhaps consisted the primary site on the island after ca. 250 BC, and the Protogeometric site of Palaiokastro, a hill fort which overlooks the capacious harbour of Panormos at the north of the island.

What the preamble of the calendar tells us about its content is much less straightforward. The key phrase is in lines 3-5: τάδε ... πρὸς τοῖς πρότερον καὶ ἐπηνορθώθη περὶ τῶν προτέ|ρων. Literally, this ought to mean that the following list of rites, organised in calendrical fashion, contains sacrifices which were added to the preexisting ones in Mykonos and others which were corrected or emended. Telling which is which is, however, far from easy, nor can it be presumed that one of the calendars of the two cities was adopted in preference over the other, rather than elements from the two being incorporated with one another. The text as we have it may also not have been exhaustive, i.e. a full sacrificial calendar of the new city of Mykonos, but have only contained those festivals that were added or emended (see further below). First and foremost, both Butz and Reger have rightly emphasised that the change from the plural πόλεις in the brief preamble to the mention of a singular πόλις in line 6 is illuminating. It would not only tend to confirm the political unity entailed by the synoikism, but ought to suggest that these rites are either new or were emended in consequence of it. But further observations focussing on the political character of certain prescriptions in the calendar fall short of being satisfying. For instance, it is uncertain if the prominent role of the Boule, now the unified civic council of Mykonos, in organising certain rituals and funding them (see lines 10-11, 13), is innovative or merely traditional; the same could be said of the role of the archons (cf. lines 13-15, 19-20) who, as seen above, were of course already present prior to the synoikism. Equally interesting yet tantalising are the observations of von Prott (p. 15) concerning lexical elements in the style of the calendar. He remarked that some rules are presented in the indicative, others in the imperative—but it would be difficult to argue that all of the latter were innovations, as he seemed to suppose; he also astutely noted that, while most of the calendar has a fairly typical asyndetic style, some clauses appear to be different: one, for example, begins with καὶ at the end of line 9, another with ἐπιμελέσθων δὲ in line 19 (as well as two more instances of δὲ in the following line). These might all well represent corrections to previous rules concerning sacrifices, without any certainty being possible. For a possible ritual innovation, see below at lines 39-41. More intriguing, perhaps, are how several of the festivals detailed in the text seem to reveal distinct patterns of juxtaposition. In lines 5-15, for example, we have two rituals for Poseidon followed by another to Demeter on the same day, which does not readily seem to belong with the first two; in lines 29-39, we have two rituals for Apollo and Acheloos which seem to mirror one another, and yet to have very distinct focal points. Did some of these perhaps belong to one of the Mykonian cities, while the others formed a part of the other's calendar? A further interesting candidate for distinct celebrations amalgamated into one festival occasion are those presented in lines 15-26 (see also below). Here, we seem to have the traditional Mykonian Lenaia framed by two sacrifices on behalf of crops for Demeter, Kore and Zeus on the one hand, and for Zeus and Ge on the other, which will perhaps not have taken place at the Lenaion itself. As Reger (p.177-178) notes, the coins of Mykonos from ca. 220-200 BC and in the early second century BC, that is to say those that are relatively contemporaneous with the calendar, begin to show ears of corn to the left of Dionysus’ bust, with grapes on the reverse. Did this new development in the civic coinage represent this juxtaposition of Dionysus and Semele with gods worshipped ὑπὲρ καρ̣πῶν? The currency will then have been a symbol of the new political and cultic unity of the island of Mykonos.

The composition of the calendar of Mykonos is unknown except for the present inscription. It is also unclear how strict a sequence of the months is presented in the calendar given here, or if some months were occasionally skipped because no major sacrifices occurred during them. Productive comparisons can be drawn, for instance, with the completely attested calendar of nearby Delos and with the more fragmentary calendars of some Ionian Cycladic islands, such as Keos (cf. Trümpy, who reconstructs the calendar of Mykonos in a much more patchy fashion). Most of the months known on Mykonos from this text are attested on Delos, and in the same relative sequence. We can thus plausibly suppose that the patterns of the calendars substantially overlapped, even if they did not coincide in all of their details. Indeed, the starting point of the respective calendars was different: that of Delos began in Lenaion, whereas Mykonos began a month before, in Posideon (the first month listed here, in lines 5ff.); Posideon was the last month on Delos. But in either case Posideon immediately preceded Lenaion. On Delos, the months Hieros and Galaxion followed Lenaion, whereas on Mykonos, the month is clearly Bacchion. Otherwise, this month is only known on Keos, whose calendar also possessed months called Posideon and probably Hekatombaion. We could thus assume a direct sequence Posideon-Lenaion-Bacchion both on Mykonos and Keos, with the third month in this sequence on Delos being Hieros. At any rate, there are some further inferences to be drawn from these comparisons: since it known how the (well understood) Athenian months corresponded with those of the calendar of Delos, this would suggest that correspondences between the Athenian months can be reconstructed for Mykonos too. For instance, since Delian Posideon generally coincided with Athenian Posideon, this would mean that Mykonian Posideon--if it matched Delian Posideon--also corresponded to Athenian Posideon. Following this assumption would entail that the Mykonian year began in midwinter, in December/January (the time of Athenian Posideon). The next month would be Lenaion in January/February (Gamelion in Athens, when the Lenaia there occurred), while Bacchion would coincide with Athenian Anthesterion in February/March. More intriguing, however, would be the near certainty that the Hekatombaion on Mykonos coincided with Delian and Athenian Hekatombaion. Since this Hekatombaion occurred five months after Anthesterion, this should imply that a substantial section of the year is skipped in our Mykonian calendar: namely, four months covering the spring and early summer (Elaphebolion to Skirophorion in Athens; Galaxion to Panemos on Delos; both including Thargelion). Along this line of reasoning, Hekatombaion appearing from lines 39ff. in the calendar would be month 8 on Mykonos and there would thus only be a maximum of four months which could further be mentioned in the fragmentary lines now forming the latter half of the stele. If this is correct, then there are several ways of interpreting this idea of a partial presentation of calendar months. One would of course be that we quite simply have here the “complete” sacrificial calendar of Mykonos, and that the months skipped over did not contain civic sacrifices for the community (compare e.g. the partial presentation of months in the sacrificial calendars of demes on Kos, such as at Phyxa: CGRN 146). But since it is difficult to suppose that such a lengthy span of time (4 months!) was entirely devoid of rituals on the island, one could also suppose that the preamble of the calendar, discussed above, was meant to introduce only a selection of the overall rites for the year. We would therefore not have here "the" sacrificial calendar of Mykonos, but more specifically, a calendrical list of the rituals which, as a result of the synoikism, the Mykonians added and corrected. Here is a summary of the calendar of Mykonos as it might be reconstructed in relation to those of Delos and Athens: (table to insert $$).

As noted only by Koumanoudis, two later marginal inscriptions have been added to the left side of the stele bearing the calendar, corresponding to lines 16 and 30-31 respectively on this face. Both can be read as Εὐετηρία, an often divinised concept which signifies a "good" or "fair" year. Since Εὐετηρία could be personified as a goddess, it may be that her worship was intended to be added in these festivals; but the fact that the dative case is not used nor any offering mentioned seems to preclude this reading. For Εὐετηρία, see Parker 1996 and 2011. For other marginalia added to sacrificial calendars, see here CGRN 32 (Thorikos) and CGRN 86 (Kos). In other words, the presence of these marginalia perhaps seem to indicate that the sacrifices in question were particularly considered important for the success of the year. These sections are indeed concerned with agricultural rituals essential for the community (lines 16-26) and rites of maturation (perhaps) and of propitiation for the central river of the island (lines 29-39). The marginalia thus seem to underline the concerns of an island community reflected elsewhere in the calendar: it was heavily reliant on fishing in the winter, and in the spring and summer, on a successful agricultural season (namely, viticulture; for island economies in the Aegean, see Brun, with many refs. to Mykonos).

Lines 1-5: For further details on this preamble, see above. The reading given here in lines 3-4, τάδε ἔδοξεν Μυκονίοις π̣ρο̣|θύειν, contrasts with the ones found in earlier editions. Koumanoudis read simply θύειν (with nothing at the end of line 3), which yielded good sense, while Latyschev and other successive commentators have adopted ἱερ[ὰ] | θύειν. The hyperbaton τάδε ... ἱερ[ὰ] might easily have been considered as objectionable. The final trace, indeed, is certainly a self-standing circular letter, while the first trace is not iota and epsilon, but rather a faint pi. The reading π̣ρο̣|θύειν thus imposes itself. Rather than referring to preliminary sacrifices, which is its most prevalent meaning (cf. e.g. here CGRN 64, Epidauros), the verb could be taken more generally in the sense of "to fulfill the sacrifices" or to ensure that they are performed (cf. LSJ s.v. προθύω, usually in the middle). More evocatively, it might signify that these sacrifices of the Mykonians, under the new political order, are to take precedence over those of the past, even to be sacrificed for or "on behalf" of the community and its needs (see LSJ s.v. προθύω 2, occasionally followed by ὑπέρ); for sacrifices "on behalf" of crops, see below in lines 16-26.

Lines 5-15 (12 Posideon): This first substantial section of the calendar describe a complex sacrificial occasion taking place on the 12th of Posideon, probably the first month of the calendar of Mykonos; as argued above, Posideon is likely to have fallen in December/January as on Delos and in Athens. As two of the sacrifices occurring on this day are devoted to Poseidon, the eponym of the month, we are likely dealing with a festival which might have been called the Posideia on Mykonos. Indeed, the Posideia at Sinope (a Milesian colony, with a similar Ionian calendar) also seem to have occurred from the 12-14 of this month in the local calendar (cf. CGRN 120, lines 9-11; at Athens, they may have occurred earlier in the month, on the 8th, see CGRN 26, line A10). Similar midwinter festivals of Poseidon are also known in the Dorian world (cf. here CGRN 115, Lindos). The focus on Poseidon at this time of the year on Mykonos may be explained both by tradition and by seasonal factors: the second appearance of the god here is as Phykios, concerned with "seaweed". The two sacrificial animals (ἱερεῖα), for Poseidon Temenites and Phykios respectively, are to be purchased by the council for a (total) value of 20 dr., explicitly with money deriving from taxes imposed on the sale of fish. We therefore here have a glimpse of an island community that was focussed on fishing—the nourishing of fish with seaweed—especially during the wintertime when agricultural activities would have reached a standstill. Both sacrifices seem to exclude women; for the interdiction of women at certain sacrifices, emphasising their maleness (here, aptly in connection with the occupation of fishing, and focussed on the male god Poseidon), cf. CGRN 33 (Elateia). The first sacrifice is made to Poseidon Temenites, whose epithet is otherwise unknown for the god (though not for others, cf. e.g. an Apollo Temenites on Delos, IG XI.2 144, face B, line 11), yet at the same time points to a precinct. This unidentified precinct was certainly located outside the synoikised city of Mykonos, since the animal offered to the god, rather mysteriously, cannot be brought into the city but only to the precinct of the god. This is a ram that is highly specific: it is to be judged most beautiful, white, and uncastrated. For the sacrifice of rams to Poseidon, cf. here CGRN 8 (Eleusis), line 4. For beauty as a criterion for the selection of a sacrificial animal, cf. here CGRN 92 (Athens), lines 21-22 (with the same verb), and CGRN 194 (Magnesia-on-the-Maiander), lines 12 and 50; for the white colour of sacrificial animals, compare CGRN 6 (Miletos), lines 6-7; for the frequent assumption that rams (κριός) were not castrated, by comparison with male sheep (ὄϊς), cf. esp. CGRN 52 (Erchia)—however, we occasionally find the more explicit term "uncastrated ram", as here: cf. CGRN 153 (Kamiros). The treatment of the sacrifice and its portions also deserves some comment. The breaking of the back (νῶτογ κόπτεται) is one of the frequent sacrificial modes at Mykonos, recurring also in lines 12, 30-31. As the verb κόπτω, rare in a sacrificial context, may imply, this may have involved chopping into the back of the animal with an axe, rather than, as usual, slitting its throat to kill it (see also here at lines 36-37). In this particular case, it would seem that the back of the animal was cut into, which are enabled the removal of one of its shoulderblades (πλάτη). This portion was also treated in a special manner: the verb σπένδω is rarely used in the passive (cp. CGRN 201, Miletos, lines 8, 13, 17, though differently) but here may imply that libations were poured over the shoulderblade and perhaps that it was at the same time consecrated in the altar fire. For the focus of some sacrifices on the shoulderblade, cf. esp. CGRN 129 (Patara), lines 4-5. A forelimb is granted to the priest, perhaps the same from which the shoulderblade was extracted; cf. esp. here CGRN 165 (Kos), line 22 (a foreleg or shoulder "from which the divine portion is cut", probably again implying the shoulderblade). For the tongue granted as a priestly perk, see esp. CGRN 41 (Chios), line 9. For Poseidon Phykios (the epithet is otherwise unknown, but its etymology is clear), a younger animal, a white uncastrated lamb is to be offered. For a choice male lamb offered to Poseidon in his sanctuary at Sounion, cf. here CGRN 32 (Thorikos), lines 18-19 (but in the autumn—Boedromion). For more elaborate Posideia or sacrifices to Poseidon, often involving oxen, see also here CGRN 56 (Marathonian Tetrapolis), col. II, lines 7-8, CGRN 130 (Kamiros; also involving a year-old ram), and CGRN 199 (Delos), lines 1-12. Similarly to the midwinter Posideia, it is on this same occasion that the community worships Demeter Chloe, whose sphere of influence was over the greening and growth of cereal plants, no doubt to propitiate this goddess for the coming spring. For the Chloia in Attica, where Demeter also typically receives a sow, cf. here CGRN 32 (Thorikos), lines 38-39 (in Elaphebolion, i.e. later in March/April; the animal is restored, but probably a sow) and CGRN 56 (Marathonian Tetrapolis), col. II, lines 49-50 (in Anthesterion, February/March; a pregnant sow). At Mykonos, Demeter Chloe more distinctively receives a twofold sacrifice. Two most beautiful sows are sacrificed, and both are examined by the city council (for the selection, κρίσις, of sacrificial animals, see CGRN 32, Thorikos, lines 14, 17-20, 39, 47, and CGRN 86 A, Kos, lines 1-20). But only one of them is pregnant, and the pair are seemingly treated in differing ways: the back of the pregnant animal is chopped into, but it is not mentioned any further; perquisites are only awarded from the other, non-pregnant sow. Were both animals eaten or only one of them, in which case what happened to the pregnant animal? In connection with the perquisites, it should be noted that earlier readings suggested that their recipient was a butcher, μάγειρος (Koumanoudis read ΜΗCΙΟΙ, which Butz and others expanded to read μα̣[γ]ίρωι). In fact, though the reading is highly difficult and effaced, a priestess (of Demeter) is almost certainly to be restored given the traces. Moreover, the portions obtained, the sacrum or tail of the animal as well as a thigh, are priestly prerogatives par excellence (cp. e.g. CGRN 100, Miletos, lines 2-3; by contrast, a μάγειρος will have received a relative pittance for his duties, cf. e.g. ID 352, Delos, during the local Thesmophoria, line 105: 3 drachmae to be shared among several μαγείροι). The other provisions given to the priestess, perhaps to be used as complements for the sacrificial offerings are also readily paralleled: at Marathon, two choinikes of barley and a chous of wine were provided for the sacrifice to Demeter Chloe (CGRN 56, col. II, line 50); at Aixone, the priestess of this goddess also received a hekteus of barley, along with other supplies (CGRN 57, lines 16-19).

Lines 15-26 (10-12 Lenaion): These three dates, occurring in a close sequence, again appear to form a complex but interrelated series of sacrifices, as a festival (ἑορτή), whose focus revolved notably around agricultural success (for the "good year" mentioned in the Marginalia A, see also above). Sacrifices to Demeter or Ge along with Zeus frame the occasion on the 10th and 12th. As a progression from the rites to Demeter Chloe on the previous months, the first offerings on the 10th are explicitly sacrifices performed "on the occasion of the song on behalf of produce"; since the season must still be early in the winter, probably January/February, the lyric invocation must be prospective, seeking to ensure the growing and fulfillment of good crops. Cp. esp. here the prayers to Zeus Sosipolis at Magnesia which are performed when a bull is consecrated to the god at the time of sowing in Kronion: CGRN 194, lines 29-31: ... ὑπέρ τε εἰρήνης καὶ πλούτου καὶ σίτου φορᾶς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων καρπῶν πάντ̣ων καὶ τῶν κτηνῶν (Roman-era dedications from Asia Minor frequently show this concern in dedications to Zeus, cf. e.g. SEG 38, 1273, from 2nd-3rd century AD Bithynia). The triad honoured here is particularly associated with the mystic rites of Demeter, whether of the Thesmophoria or at Eleusis; indeed, female citizens (i.e. daughters or wives of citizens) or foreign women living in Mykonos who are initiates of Demeter, are granted the right to attend the festival. For this triad at Eleusis, see here CGRN 8, line 5 (all apparently receiving a trittoia), and CGRN 94, lines A24-29. For the sacrifice of pregnant animals to Demeter, see above. Kore typically received a male animal, as she does here: an adult male pig or boar. Kore receives a male ram and three piglets while (Demeter) Eleusinia receives an ox in Metageitnion (the Autumn) in the sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis, CGRN 56, col. II, lines 43-44. Cp. also esp. the rites in the Attic deme of Phrearrhioi, where Demeter Thesmophoros appears to receive a sow which may as here be qualified as πρ[ωτοτόκον], CGRN 103, line 2, accompanied by Kore, who receives a male ox, and Plouton, who in this case receives the ram. Animals are to be provided from the sacred money of the sanctuary (presumably of Demeter), and wood and barley-grains for the sacrifices are also to be supplied. For this rare mention of ὀλά̣ς (i.e. οὐλάς), grains which could be specifically used to sprinkle on the heads of animals, but could also be used to make cakes, see here CGRN 64 (Epidauros), line 6, CGRN 86 B (Kos), lines 5-6, CGRN 126 (Lykosoura), line 15, etc. The notion that sacrificial rituals must be performed "in a beautiful manner" or "as beautifully as possible" is frequently alluded to in inscriptions, though seldom as explicitly as here in ritual norms. "Beautiful" offerings might include a range of different elements, such as adornments for the sacrificial animals, the adequate performance of the rituals and the good omens obtained from the offerings laid on the fire, and even other paraphernalia, such as for a banquet; cp. here CGRN 145 (Kos), line 22; CGRN 204 (Delphi), lines 2-3. We are likely to envisage that these rituals inaugurated a large festival assembly, notably of women initiates of Demeter; it is also probable that the verb β̣[αδ]ι̣ζέτω (a new reading confirming Sokolowski's suggestion) implies travel on foot, perhaps during a procession, to an extra-urban sanctuary. The nearly secure candidate for this location is the place known as Leno, the site of the sanctuary called Lenaion where the stele itself was found (see above). Indeed, it is "at the crowd-gathering" or "the assembly" that rites for Semele take place on the next day, and presumably in the same place for Dionysus Leneus on the one after that. Semele was the mother of Dionysus and often honoured at his side, especially during the festival of the Lenaia which these rites on Mykonos appear to match (see already Deubner); the Lenaia was a celebration literally of the "wine-vat" and of the maturation of the new wine. For Semele honoured with Dionysus in Attica, see CGRN 21, lines 16-19 (with references to the Lenaia in Athens falling in the period of 12-21 Gamelion, a close match with the rituals here), and CGRN 52 (Erchia), col. Α, lines 45-52 + col. Δ, lines 34-41 (16 Elaphebolion, perhaps in relation to the City Dionysia or somewhat later than the Lenaia). In CGRN 21, Semele only receives a table laden with offerings, while Dionysus is honoured with an ἔριφος κριτός; at Erchia, both received a goat (αἴξ). At Erchia, the rites for the pair were performed by women, which may also be implied here by the presence of the πλῆθος, composed of women initiates of Demeter (more widely, πλῆθος may have implied a larger festival gathering, perhaps essentially of the whole civic community; for πλῆθος in this sense, cf. here CGRN 200, Magnesia-on-Maiander, line 12, and CGRN 205, Antiocheia-ad-Pyramum, line 5; the reading before the word is ΤΟΤΟ, which either implies a dittography as given here or could be restored as το〈ῦ〉το, following the suggestion of Sokolowski; if right, this reading would further confirm that "this assembly" was the gathering previously mentioned on the 10th of Lenaion, during the celebrations for Demeter). At Mykonos, by contrast, the animals offerred to Semele and Dionysus are somewhat less specific: both are "yearlings", without their exact species being specified (a goat may still have been preferred for Dionysus, recall the ἔριφος κριτός at Erchia mentioned above and see also CGRN 169, from Kallatis, lines 11-13). The treatment of the animal offered to Semele is distinctive, perhaps underlining the heroic or mortal side of this goddess: it is to be split into nine portions, of which one was burned on the altar. For the ritual of ἐνατεύειν, cf. esp. CGRN 13, lines A10-12 (to the Polluted Tritopatores at Selinous), and CGRN 27, lines 4-5 (forbidden for Heracles in the agora on Thasos). As with the rites which began the celebration on the 10th of Lenaion, the ones on the 12th conclude with offerings "on behalf of crops", though a more exclusive celebration in this case. The paragraphos which precedes them appears to signify that while they take place on the same day as the sacrifice for Dionysus, they probably occurred somewhat separately. Are we to envisage a distinct sanctuary of the Demeter, Kore and Zeus Bouleus, and of Zeus Chthonios and Ge, near Leno and the Lenaion? Zeus Chthonios and Ge Chthonie properly belong to the much discussed category of "Chthonian" gods: specifically, in this case, they epithet clarifies that they are deities of the surface of the earth. The sacrifices offered to this pair are equally distinctive: they consist of yearling animals again, perhaps a pair (thus in some sense corresponding to the sacrifices to Semele and Dionysus), but these animals are to be black and flayed. For the black colour of animals, see esp. here CGRN 56 (Marathonian Tetrapolis), col. II, lines 17-18, probably a sacrifice to Ge "at the oracle" (on 10 Elaphebolion, about two months later than the season envisaged here, but coinciding with the City Dionysia); for the flaying of animals, cf. CGRN 26 (Athens), lines B2-3, CGRN 66 (Chios), line 11, and CGRN 84 (Salaminioi), lines 27-33. The flaying of the black animals can be thought to be particularly significant, since it would results in smallish black hides or skins, which may have evoked the colour of the rich earth, the chthon itself. The exclusion of strangers is not found with great frequency in ritual norms; typically, specific rules allowed strangers a limited form of participation in many cults, cf. e.g. CGRN 4 (Olympia); the exclusion here may have been stressed because of the importance of the rituals for the agriculture success of the community. On consumption of meat on the spot, also mentioned particularly in closely communal rituals, see here CGRN 32 (Thorikos), for further discussion (commentary on lines 10-12).

Lines 26-29 (10 Bacchion): This shorter entry in the calendar preserves a sacrifice to Dionysus Baccheus in his eponymous month, Bacchion. If it is correct that Bacchion matched Athenian Anthesterion (see above), then this sacrifice may have generally coincided with the Anthesteria, which lasted from the 11-13 of the month. Cp. esp. the sacrifice of a tawny or black he-goat to Dionysus in the calendar of Thorikos thought to fall on 12 Anthesterion, CGRN 32, lines 33-35. For the frequent offering of goats to Dionysus, see here e.g. CGRN 158 (Kamiros); for the beauty of animals, see above, lines 5-15. The toponym or topographical reference behind the word δειράς, "the ridge", is otherwise unknown; it again probably implies an extra-urban cult site, where the ἱεροποιοί woud have dined together and the remaining meat could have been consumed by other participants on the spot (for such rules in ritual norms, see above on lines 15-26).

Lines 29-39 (7 Hekatombaion): This lengthy passage again seems to define a major festival of the community of Mykonos. This takes place in the summer month of Hekatombaion in honour of Apollo and Acheloos, with the two rituals being fairly close mirrors of one another. Apollo in his connection with young boys and married men, and particularly Acheloos and his fertile river are to be viewed as ensuring a "fair year" (signified by the later marginalia B; see above). Apollo is very appropriately worshipped on the 7th of the month, which was considered to be the birthday of the god; cf. here e.g. CGRN 52, Erchia, col. Α, lines 24-37 + col. Γ, lines 32-38 + col. Ε, lines 32-47 (7-8 Gamelion), and cf. esp. CGRN 56, col. I, lines 24-26, where Apollo Apotropaios is worshipped in Hekatombaion, probably on the 7th of the month. Apollo here receives a bull and ten lambs, perhaps a measure or a symbol of a hekatomb, which would literally involve the sacrifice of 100 oxen (for hekatombs offered to Apollo, see CGRN 201, Miletos, line 19), which might be expected for a god called Hekatombios, the eponym of the month. For the chopping into the back of the bull and the priestly portions given, cp. the nearly direct parallel of the sacrifice of the ram to Poseidon Temenites, lines 5-15 above. Yet, more specifically, it is intriguing that of the ten lambs sacrificed to Apollo in this case, some were clearly offered by boys (παῖδες), while others were offered by newly-weds (νυμφίοι) or perhaps young men about to married or of a marriageable age. These categories of young men might suggest that what used to be misleadingly called “a rite of passage” is intended here, or at least a rite having some connection with the maturation of male youths, from boys into married men (cf. already Hes. Th. 346-348). Acheloos may have his place in this possible context too, as rivers were occasionally known in a kourotrophic capacity, see the passage of Eustathius ad. H. Il. 1293 cited and discussed by Pirenne-Delforge. The precise configuration of the lambs offered by these two subgroups escapes us, but it must have involved even numbers of boys and νυμφίοι given the repartition of tongues that takes place: one tongue from each pair of lambs goes either to the priest or to the boy (γλῶσσα ἑκατέρωι); similarly, one tongue for the priest and one for a νυμφίος (for instance, we might think of six lambs offered by boys, four by νυμφίοι, or some similar arrangement). For the tongue as a priestly and honorific portion, see also above on lines 5-15. Acheloos, a theriomorphic, polymorphic god whose streams can sprout up almost anywhere, is rarely conspicuous in our epigraphic documentation, except as paredros to the Nymphs for example (cf. CGRN 26, Athens, line A19, during the Posidea). For other sacrifices to Acheloos see here CGRN 52 (Erchia), col. Α, lines 13-17 + col. Β, lines 22-26 + col. Γ, lines 27-31 + col. Δ, lines 25-28 + col. Ε, lines 17-22 (27 Boedromion), apparently as part of a local festival in the autumn; for other sacrifices made to rivers, cp. CGRN 81 (Thebes-on-the-Mykale), lines 8-11 (to the river Maiander during the Targelia in early summer). Here, Acheloos assumes a place as the pendant of Apollo during this festival, receiving an adult animal and also ten lambs. The sacrificial arrangement is different however: two of the lambs and the adult animal have their throats slit (σ̣[φάζ]ε̣τα̣ι̣) near the altar, while the blood from the remainder of the animals is directed at the river itself (ἐς τὸν ποταμόν). For slaughtering and the directionality of blood during sacrifices, cf. here CGRN 13 (Selinous), line B13 (towards the earth). In other words, it is clear that the god was meant to be worshipped both as a divine recipient represented by his altar, and as a natural manifestation too, the river Acheloos (for this as the name of a local river, cf. e.g. e.g. IG IX.1² 3, lines 5-6, from Thermos in Aitolia, ca. 262 BC). The setting is thus naturally to be envisaged as outside the city of Mykonos. The watercourse (ποταμός) in question can reasonably be identified with the only major river about which we have any evidence on the island, formerly called Megalo Langadi (now Texniti Marathiou / Maou). This flowed from the heights at the center of the island, around the hill of Palaiokastro and into a fairly wide valley still visible on satellite maps, combining with a small lake and stream, and issuing finally into the capacious bay of Panormos. However, the riverbed is now usually very dry, perhaps also pointing to the efficacious purpose of propitiating Acheloos in the summertime in antiquity. The passage concluding this calendar entry remains partly difficult to decipher and thus enigmatic: what is clear is that some individual was expected to be cultivating the land belonging to the god, perhaps a precinct where the altar was located and somewhere near the river (if τὸ ΕΝΕΟ̣[.] indicates a precise location on Mykonos, then this is virtually impossible to guess at present). The individual who had rented it during a specific year was to pay the rent (μίσθωμα ἀποδιδ[ό]τω) and this was somehow used to make a sacrifice or a consecration to the god as well (τοῦτο καταθυέσθω).

Lines 39-41 (15 Hekatombaion): Sacrifices later in this month honour the Archegetes of Mykonos, presumably its eponymous hero Mykonos himself, take place on a date that is perhaps significant elsewhere. In Athens, the 16 Hekatombaion is known as the festival of the Synoikia, and sacrifices perhaps preliminary to this occur also in the state sacrificial calendar (CGRN 45, fr. 3, col. 2). If the parallel with the Athenian Synoikia is then extended to Mykonos, this might entail that these sacrifices to the Founding Hero of the community were taken to represent and celebrate the gathering of this community into one oikos, such as indeed became the case after the synoikism explicitly mentioned in lines 1-5 (see above). In other words, celebrating the Archegetes, whether by tradition or innovation, would certainly take on a special meaning of civic identity and cohesion in these historical circumstances. Regrettably, however, the entry is short and fragmentary; the hero receives a yearling animal, from which his priest was probably prerogative portions of meat; consumption of the meat took place on the spot, a marker for a type of feasting which stressed the importance of a communal gathering (see above on lines 15-26). For other cults of heroes called Archegetes, cf. here CGRN 26 (Athens), line B8, and CGRN 57 (Aixone), lines 31-36.

Lines 41-63 (dates missing): The conclusion of the previous entry concerning the Archegetes in line 41 seems to be assured both from the concluding mention of the feasting "on the spot" and the traces of an incised paragraphos following this. Either a new month or a new date would be expected to follow this probable paragraphos, but regrettably it is difficult to make sense of the scant extant traces at end of line 41 or the beginning of line 42. What is thankfully clear, however, is the mention of [Β]α̣σ̣ιλ̣εῖ. Given the dative case and the proximity of this word to a probable new date, we should likely think of this word as an epithet, most likely of Zeus. Zeus Basileus is indeed widely attested in the Ionian world, for instance on Paros (IG XII.5 134 and 234), as well as at Erythrai (LSAM 25) and Priene (IK.Priene 201, Basileus and the Kouretes). Unfortunately, no other details are available concerning his worship in Mykonos. The remaining fragmentary lines, with perhaps more missing below (to a length that is impossible to estimate), give a tantalising indication of what the original remaining content of the calendar may have been. Line 55 appears to preserve two portions awarded as prerogatives, including a leg; line 56, the sacrifice of a piglet; line 57, perhaps again at least one mention of prerogatives for a priest (ἱερεῖ). Line 59 probably mentions a sacrifice to Apollo, but it is impossible to tell if the trace following this is the beginning of his epithet or of a sacrificial animal. Intriguingly, line 63 might be read as suggesting a new date early in a month, perhaps [... | ἱστ]αμ[έ]ν̣ο̣υ ὅτε̣, though the traces do not completely support this reading.

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All citation, reuse or distribution of this work must contain somewhere a link back to the URL http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be/ and the filename, as well as the year of consultation (see “Home” for details of how to cite).

Authors

  • Jan-Mathieu Carbon

Project Director

Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge

How To Cite

CGRN 156, l. x-x.

Alternatively, a more detailed version of this citation, with the relevant URL, can be:
CGRN 156, l. x-x (http://cgrn.philo.ulg.ac.be/file/156/).

The full citation of the CGRN in a list of abbreviations or a bibliography is the following:
J.-M. Carbon, S. Peels and V. Pirenne-Delforge, Collection of Greek Ritual Norms (CGRN), Liège 2015- (http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be, consulted in [2019]).

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	    			<title><idno type="filename">CGRN 156</idno>: <rs type="textType" key="sacrificial calendar">Sacrificial calendar</rs> of Mykonos</title>
	    			<author>Jan-Mathieu Carbon</author>
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					<authority>Collection of Greek Ritual Norms, F.R.S.-FNRS Project no. 2.4561.12, University of Liège.</authority>
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						<p>Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike International License <ref target="http://creativecommons.org/" type="external">4.0</ref>.</p>	
						<p>All citation, reuse or distribution of this work must contain somewhere a link back to the URL <ref target="http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be/">http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be/</ref> and the filename, as well as the year of consultation (see “Home” for details of how to cite).</p>
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	<sourceDesc><msDesc><msIdentifier><repository>n/a</repository></msIdentifier>
	<physDesc>
		<objectDesc>
			<supportDesc><support><p>Tall marble <rs type="objectType">stele</rs>, badly weathered, especially in the lower half. Fragments of a <foreign>kymation</foreign> are visible at the top of one earlier face, preserving the text <bibl type="abbr" n="SIG³">SIG³</bibl> 1215; the calendar edited below is inscribed on the back of the stele.</p>
			<p><dimensions>
					<height unit="cm">25</height>
					<width unit="cm">112</width>
					<depth unit="cm">19.5</depth>
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<p><foreign>Paragraphoi</foreign> are inscribed before each dated entry, sometimes also to distinguish simultaneous but apparently separate events (see at the end of line 24, and the commentary further below). Rather than occurring in the margin as in other texts, in this inscription they take the form of a lengthy (two-letter space) incised horizontal in the middle of letter register; the horizontal dash (here represented by —) is also elegantly serifed. </p>
				
<p>Letters: <height unit="mm">9-10</height> (on both sides); <height unit="mm">5</height> for <foreign>omicron</foreign> and <foreign>theta</foreign> in the sacrificial calendar. </p>

<p>Two marginal inscriptions (A and B) are inscribed on the left side of the face bearing the calendar, at the equivalent of lines 16 and 30-31 on the front face respectively.The first in particular seems to be closely related to the calendar, given that the writing runs close to the face bearing the calendar, with the final <foreign>alpha</foreign> only partly visible at the corner of the stele. The lettering is larger and more uneven than the inscribed face, <height unit="mm">15</height>.</p>
			</layout></layoutDesc>
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	<history>
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			<p><origDate notBefore="-0230" notAfter="-0200">ca. 230-200 BC</origDate></p>
			<p><desc>Justification: lettering and context (see Reger).</desc></p>
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		<provenance><p><placeName type="ancientFindspot" key="Mykonos" n="Aegean_Islands"><ref target="https://pleiades.stoa.org/places/599807" type="external">Mykonos</ref></placeName>. Found in 1842, built into the lower roof of a small church dedicated to Hagia Marina at the place called Leno/Lenos (ca. 3 km SSE of the modern town of Mykonos). Now in the Epigraphical Museum in Athens (inv. no. 10289).
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	    			<language ident="fre">French</language>
	    			<language ident="ger">German</language>
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	    			<language ident="ita">Italian</language>
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	    		<change>Revised by XX in 20XX.</change>     
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				<div type="bibliography">
					<head>Bibliography</head>
					
<p>With thanks to the Epigraphical Museum in Athens, the edition here is based on the revision of Carbon from autopsy and using Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) photography. The only full and reasonably accurate edition until now was that of Koumanoudis (cf. also von Prott).</p>
					
<p>Other editions: 
	Le Bas - Waddington <bibl type="abbr" n="LBW">LBW</bibl> II 2058 (majuscule text); 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Koumanoudis 1873">Koumanoudis 1873</bibl> (including fragmentary traces to line 62 and uniquely including a mention of the marginalia); 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Latyschew 1888">Latyschew 1888</bibl> (majuscule facsimile, up to line 42).</p>

<p>Cf. also: 
	von Prott <bibl type="abbr" n="LGS I">LGS I</bibl> 4 (from autopsy of Koerte, including fragmentary traces to line 62); 
	Dittenberger - Hiller von Gaertringen <bibl type="abbr" n="SIG³">SIG³</bibl> 1024; 
	Sokolowski <bibl type="abbr" n="LSCG">LSCG</bibl> 96.</p>
					
<p>Further bibliography: 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Deubner 1932">Deubner 1932</bibl>: 125-126; 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Butz 1996">Butz 1996</bibl>: 88-92 no. 4, with partial ph. fig. 9; 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Brun 1996">Brun 1996</bibl>; 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Parker 1996">Parker 1996</bibl>: 256; 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Trümpy 1997">Trümpy 1997</bibl>: 55-59 and 63-65; 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Reger 2001">Reger 2001</bibl>; 
	<bibl type="author_date" n="Pirenne-Delforge 2004">Pirenne-Delforge 2004</bibl>: 174-175; <bibl type="author_date" n="Parker 2011">Parker 2011</bibl>: 55.</p>
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<lb xml:id="line_2" n="2"/><w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπ᾽</w> <name type="title"><w lemma="ἄρχων">ἀρχόντων</w></name> Κρατίνου, Πολυζήλου, Φιλόφρονος, <w lemma="ὅτε">ὅτε</w>   	
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_3" n="3"/><w lemma="συνοικίζω">συνωικίσθησαν</w> αἱ <name type="group"><w lemma="πόλις">πόλεις</w></name>, <w lemma="ὅσδε">τάδε</w> <w lemma="δοκέω">ἔδοξεν</w> <name type="ethnic" key="Mykonos"><w lemma="Μύκονος">Μυκονίοις</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="προθύω"><unclear>π</unclear>ρ<unclear>ο</unclear>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_4" n="4" break="no"/>θύειν</w></name> <w lemma="πρός">πρὸς</w> τοῖς <w lemma="πρότερος">πρότερον</w> καὶ <w lemma="ἐπανορθόω">ἐπηνορθώθη</w> <w lemma="περί">περὶ</w> τῶν <w lemma="πρότερος">προτέ
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_5" n="5" break="no"/>ρων</w> <pc>—</pc> <name type="month"><w lemma="Ποσιδηϊών">Ποσιδεῶνος</w></name> <w lemma="δωδέκατος">δυωδεκάτει</w> <name type="deity" key="Poseidon"><w lemma="Ποσειδῶν">Ποσειδῶνι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Temenites"><w lemma="τεμενίτης">Τεμενίτηι</w></name>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_6" n="6"/><name type="animal" key="sheep"><name type="age"><w lemma="κριός"><unclear>κ</unclear>ριὸς</w></name></name> <name type="quality"><w lemma="καλλιστεύω">καλλιστεύων</w></name> <name type="colour1"><w lemma="λευκός">λευκὸς</w></name> <name type="quality"><name type="gender"><w lemma="ἐνόρχης">ἐνόρχης</w></name></name>· ὁ <name type="animal" key="sheep"><w lemma="κριός">κριὸς</w></name> <w lemma="εἰς">ἐς</w> <name type="locality"><w lemma="πόλις">πόλιν</w></name> <w lemma="οὐ"><supplied reason="lost">ο</supplied>ὐ
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_7" n="7" break="no"/><unclear>κ</unclear></w> <w lemma="εἰσάγω">ἐσαγέται</w>· <name type="portion"><w lemma="νῶτον">νῶτογ</w></name> καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="πλάτη">πλάτη</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="κόπτω">κόπτεται</w></name>· ἡ <name type="portion"><w lemma="πλάτη">πλάτη</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="σπένδω">σπένδε
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_8" n="8" break="no"/>ται</w></name>· τῶι <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς">ἱερεῖ</w></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="γλῶσσα">γλῶσσα</w></name> καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="βραχίων">βραχίων</w></name>· τῆι <w lemma="αὐτός">αὐτῆι</w> <w lemma="ἡμέρα">ἡμέραι</w> <name type="deity" key="Poseidon"><w lemma="Ποσειδῶν">Ποσει
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_9" n="9" break="no"/>δῶνι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Phykios"><w lemma="φύκιος">Φυκίωι</w></name> <name type="animal" key="sheep"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἀμνός">ἀμνὸς</w></name></name> <name type="colour1"><w lemma="λευκός">λευκὸς</w></name> <name type="quality"><name type="gender"><w lemma="ἐνόρχης">ἐνόρχης</w></name></name>· <name type="person"><w lemma="γυνή">γυναικὶ</w></name> <w lemma="οὐ">οὐ</w> <name type="authority"><w lemma="θέμις">θέμις</w></name>· καὶ
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_10" n="10"/><w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> τοῦ <w lemma="τέλος">τέλους</w> τῶν <name type="animal" key="fish"><w lemma="ἰχθῦς">ἰχθύων</w></name> <name type="group"><w lemma="βουλή">βουλὴ</w></name> <w lemma="πρίαμαι"><unclear>π</unclear>ριαμένη</w> <name type="animal" key="generic"><w lemma="ἱερεῖον">ἱερεῖα</w></name> <w lemma="εἴκοσι">εἴκο
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_11" n="11" break="no"/>σι</w> <w lemma="δραχμή">δραχμῶν</w> <w lemma="δίδωμι">διδότω</w>· τῆι <w lemma="αὐτός">αὐτῆι</w> <w lemma="ἡμέρα">ἡμέραι</w> <name type="deity" key="Demeter"><w lemma="Δημήτηρ">Δήμητρι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Chloe"><w lemma="χλόη">Χλόηι</w></name> <name type="animal" key="swine"><w lemma="ὗς">ὕες</w></name>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_12" n="12"/><w lemma="δύο">δύο</w> <name type="quality"><name type="gender"><w lemma="καλλιστεύω">καλλιστεύου<unclear>σα</unclear>ι</w></name></name>· <unclear>ἡ</unclear> <w lemma="ἕτερος">ἑτέρη</w> <name type="quality"><name type="gender"><w lemma="ἐγκύμων">ἐγκύμ<supplied reason="lost">ω</supplied><unclear>ν</unclear></w></name></name>· <name type="portion"><w lemma="νῶτον">νῶτογ</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="κόπτω">κόπτετα<supplied reason="lost">ι</supplied></w></name>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_13" n="13"/>τῆς <name type="quality"><name type="gender"><w lemma="ἐγκύμων">ἐγκύμονος</w></name></name>· τὰς <name type="animal" key="swine"><w lemma="ὗς">ὗς</w></name> <name type="group"><w lemma="βουλή">βου<unclear>λὴ</unclear></w></name> <w lemma="κρίνω">κρ<supplied reason="lost">ι</supplied><unclear>νέ</unclear>τω</w>· <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς"><supplied reason="lost">ἱ</supplied><unclear>ε</unclear>ρέ<unclear>α</unclear>ι</w></name> <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἄρχων">ἄρχοντες</w></name>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_14" n="14"/><w lemma="δίδωμι">διδόντων</w> <name type="portion"><w lemma="ὀσφῦς">ὀσφὺν</w></name> καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="κωλῆ">κωλῆν</w></name> τῆς <name type="animal" key="swine"><w lemma="ὗς">ὑὸς</w></name> τῆς <name type="gender"><w lemma="ἕτερος">ἑτέρης</w></name>, <name type="vegetal"><w lemma="ἄλφιτον">ἀλφίτω<supplied reason="lost">ν</supplied></w></name>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_15" n="15"/><w lemma="δύο">δύο</w> <w lemma="χοῖνιξ">χοίνικας</w>, <name type="liquid"><w lemma="οἶνος">οἴνου</w></name> <w lemma="τρεῖς">τρεῖς</w> <w lemma="κοτύλη">κοτύλ<supplied reason="lost">α</supplied>ς</w> <pc>—</pc> <name type="month"><w lemma="Ληναιών">Ληναιῶνος</w></name> <w lemma="δέκατος">δεκάτηι</w>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_16" n="16"/><w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπ̣᾽</w> <name type="invocation"><w lemma="ᾠδή"><unclear>ὠ</unclear>ιδῆι</w></name> <w lemma="ὑπέρ">ὑπὲρ</w> <name type="vegetal"><w lemma="καρπός">καρποῦ</w></name> <name type="deity" key="Demeter"><w lemma="Δημήτηρ">Δήμητρι</w></name> <name type="animal"><w lemma="ὗς">ὗν</w></name> <name type="gender"><name type="quality"><w lemma="ἐγκύμων">ἐνκύμονα</w></name></name> <name type="quality"><w lemma="πρωτοτόκος">πρωτοτόκον</w></name>,
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_17" n="17"/><name type="deity" key="Kore"><w lemma="κόρη">Κόρηι</w></name> <name type="animal" key="swine"><w lemma="κάπρος">κάπρον</w></name> <name type="quality"><name type="gender"><w lemma="τέλειος">τέλεον</w></name></name>, <name type="deity" key="Zeus"><w lemma="Ζεύς">Διὶ</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Bouleus"><w lemma="Βουλεύς">Βουλεῖ</w></name> <name type="animal" key="swine"><name type="age"><w lemma="χοῖρος">χοῖρον</w></name></name>· <w lemma="οὗτος">ταῦτα</w> <w lemma="δίδωμι">διδόντων</w> <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱεροποιός">ἱε
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_18" n="18" break="no"/>ροποιοὶ</w></name> <w lemma="ἀπό">ἀπὸ</w> τοῦ <name type="genericOffering"><w lemma="ἱερός">ἱεροῦ</w></name> <w lemma="ἀργύριον">ἀργυρίου</w> καὶ <name type="vegetal"><w lemma="ξύλον">ξύλα</w></name> <w lemma="δίδωμι">διδόντων</w> καὶ <name type="vegetal"><w lemma="οὐλαί">ὀλ<unclear>ά</unclear>ς</w></name>·
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_19" n="19"/><w lemma="ἐπιμελέομαι">ἐπιμελέσθων</w> δὲ τῶν <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="ἱερός">ἱερῶν</w></name> <w lemma="ὅπως">ὅπως</w> <name type="quality"><w lemma="καλός">καλὰ</w></name> <w lemma="εἰμί">ἦι</w> <name type="title"><w lemma="ἄρχων">ἄρχοντες</w></name> καὶ <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς">ἱε
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_20" n="20" break="no"/>ρεῖς</w></name>· <w lemma="ἐάν">ἐὰν</w> δέ <w lemma="τις">τι</w> <w lemma="δέω">δέηι</w> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="καλλιερέω">καλλιερεῖν</w></name>, <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱεροποιός">ἱεροποιοὶ</w></name> <w lemma="δίδωμι">διδόν<supplied reason="lost">τ</supplied><unclear>ων</unclear></w>· <w lemma="εἰς">εἰς</w> δὲ
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_21" n="21"/>τὴν <name type="festival"><w lemma="ἑορτή">ἑορτὴν</w></name> <w lemma="βαδίζω"><unclear>β</unclear><supplied reason="lost">αδ</supplied><unclear>ι</unclear>ζέτω</w> <name type="ethnic" key="Mykonos"><w lemma="Μύκονος">Μυκονιάδων</w></name> ἡ <w lemma="βούλομαι">βουλομέ<supplied reason="lost">νη</supplied></w> <unclear>κ</unclear>αὶ τῶν <w lemma="οἰκέω">οἰ
	    						
<lb xml:id="line_22" n="22" break="no"/>κουσῶν</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐμ</w> <placeName key="Mykonos"><w lemma="Μύκονος">Μυκό<supplied reason="lost">ν</supplied>ωι</w></placeName> <w lemma="ὅσος">ὅσαι</w> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπὶ</w> <name type="deity" key="Demeter"><w lemma="Δημήτηρ">Δήμητρα</w></name> <w lemma="τελέω">τετέλ<unclear>ην</unclear>ται</w> <pc>—</pc> <w lemma="ἑνδέκατος">ἑν
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_23" n="23" break="no"/>δεκάτηι</w> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπὶ</w> τὸ <surplus>Τ<unclear>Ο</unclear></surplus> <name type="group"><w lemma="πλῆθος">πλῆθος</w></name> <name type="deity" key="Semele"><w lemma="σεμέλη">Σεμέληι</w></name> <name type="animal" key="generic"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἐτήσιος">ἐτήσιον</w></name></name>· <w lemma="οὗτος"><unclear>τοῦτο</unclear></w> <name type="sacrifice"><name type="portion"><w lemma="ἐνατεύω">ἐνα
	    				
<lb xml:id="line_24" n="24" break="no"/>τεύεται</w></name></name> — <w lemma="δωδέκατος">δυωδεκάτηι</w> <name type="deity" key="Dionysos"><w lemma="Διόνυσος">Διονύσωι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Leneus"><w lemma="Ληνεύς">Ληνεῖ</w></name> <name type="animal" key="generic"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἐτήσιος">ἐτήσιον</w></name></name> <pc>—</pc> <w lemma="ὑπέρ">ὑπ<supplied reason="lost">ὲρ</supplied></w>
	    					    					
<lb xml:id="line_25" n="25"/><name type="vegetal"><w lemma="καρπός">κα<corr><reg>ρ</reg><sic><unclear>μ</unclear></sic></corr>πῶν</w></name> <name type="deity" key="Zeus"><w lemma="Ζεύς">Διὶ</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Chthonios"><w lemma="χθόνιος">Χθονίωι</w></name>, <name type="deity" key="Ge"><w lemma="γῆ">Γῆι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Chthonie"><w lemma="χθόνιος">Χθονίηι</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><name type="portion"><w lemma="δερτόν">δερτὰ</w></name></name> <name type="colour1"><w lemma="μέλας">μέλανα</w></name> <name type="animal" key="generic"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἐτήσιος">ἐτήσ<unclear>ια</unclear></w></name></name>·
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_26" n="26"/><name type="person"><w lemma="ξένος">ξένωι</w></name> <w lemma="οὐ">οὐ</w> <name type="authority"><w lemma="θέμις">θέμις</w></name>· <name type="meal"><w lemma="δαίνυμι">δαινύσθων</w></name> <w lemma="αὐτοῦ">αὐτοῦ</w> <pc>—</pc> <name type="month"><w lemma="Βακχιν">Βακχιῶνος</w></name> <w lemma="δέκατος">δε<unclear>κ</unclear><supplied reason="lost">ά</supplied>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_27" n="27" break="no"/>τηι</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w> <name type="locality"><w lemma="δειράς">Δειράδ<supplied reason="lost">ι</supplied></w></name> <name type="deity" key="Dionysos"><w lemma="Διόνυσος">Διονύσωι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Baccheus"><w lemma="Βακχεύς">Βακχεῖ</w></name> <name type="animal" key="goat"><name type="age"><w lemma="χίμαρος">χίμαρος</w></name></name> <name type="quality"><name type="gender"><w lemma="καλλιστεύω">καλλιστεύω<supplied reason="lost">ν</supplied></w></name></name>·
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_28" n="28"/>τὴν <w lemma="τιμή">τιμὴν</w> <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱεροποιός">ἱεροποιοὶ</w></name> <w lemma="δίδωμι">διδόντων</w> καὶ <name type="meal"><w lemma="συνεστιάζω">συνεστιάσθων</w></name>, <name type="meal"><w lemma="δαίνυμι">δ<unclear>αι</unclear>
	    					
	<lb xml:id="line_29" n="29" break="no"/>νύσθων</w></name> δὲ <w lemma="αὐτοῦ">αὐτοῦ</w> <pc>—</pc> <name type="month"><w lemma="Ἑκατομβαιών">Ἑκατομβαιῶνος</w></name> <w lemma="ἕβδομος">ἑβδόμηι</w> <w lemma="ἵστημι">ἱσταμέ
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_30" n="30" break="no"/>νου</w> <name type="deity" key="Apollo"><w lemma="Ἀπόλλων">Ἀπόλλωνι</w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Hekatombios"><w lemma="ἑκατόμβιος">Ἑκατομβίωι</w></name> <name type="animal" key="ox"><name type="gender"><w lemma="ταῦρος">ταῦρος</w></name></name> καὶ <w lemma="δέκα">δέκα</w> <name type="animal" key="sheep"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἀρήν">ἄρνες</w></name></name>· <name type="portion"><w lemma="νῶτον">νῶτον</w></name>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_31" n="31"/>τοῦ <name type="animal" key="ox"><name type="gender"><w lemma="ταῦρος">ταύρου</w></name></name> <name type="sacrifice"><name type="portion"><w lemma="κόπτω">κόπτεται</w></name></name>· τῶι <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς">ἱερεῖ</w></name> τοῦ <name type="animal" key="ox"><name type="gender"><w lemma="ταῦρος">ταύρου</w></name></name> <w lemma="δίδωμι">δίδοται</w> <name type="portion"><w lemma="γλῶσσα">γλῶσ
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_32" n="32" break="no"/>σα</w></name> καὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="βραχίων">βραχίων</w></name>· τῶν <name type="animal" key="sheep"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἀρήν">ἀρ<corr><reg>ν</reg><sic><unclear>τ</unclear></sic></corr>ῶν</w></name></name> ὧν οἱ <name type="person"><w lemma="παῖς">παῖδες</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="θύω">θύουσιν</w></name>, <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς">ἱερεῖ</w></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="γλῶσσα">γλῶ<supplied reason="lost">σ</supplied>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_33" n="33" break="no"/>σα</w></name> καὶ τῶι <name type="person"><w lemma="παῖς">παιδὶ</w></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="γλῶσσα">γλῶσσα</w></name> <w lemma="ἑκάτερος">ἑκατέρωι</w>· ὧν οἱ <name type="person"><w lemma="νυμφίος">νυμφίοι</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="θύω">θύ<supplied reason="lost">ου</supplied>σιν</w></name>,
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_34" n="34"/>τῶν <name type="animal" key="sheep"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἀρήν">ἀρ<corr><reg>ν</reg><sic>τ</sic></corr>ῶν</w></name></name> τῶι <name type="personnel"><w lemma="ἱερεύς">ἱερεῖ</w></name> καὶ τῶι <name type="person"><w lemma="νυμφίος">νυμφίωι</w></name> <name type="portion"><w lemma="γλῶσσα">γλῶσσα</w></name> <w lemma="ἑκάτερος">ἑκατέρωι</w>· <supplied reason="lost">τῆι</supplied>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_35" n="35"/><w lemma="αὐτός">αὐτῆι</w> <w lemma="ἡμέρα">ἡμέραι</w> <name type="deity" key="Acheloos"><w lemma="Ἀχελῷος">Ἀχελώιωι</w></name> <name type="animal" key="generic"><name type="age"><w lemma="τέλειος">τέλειον</w></name></name> καὶ <w lemma="δέκα">δέκα</w> <name type="animal" key="sheep"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἀρήν"><supplied reason="lost">ἄρ</supplied>νες</w></name></name>· <w lemma="οὗτος">τούτω<supplied reason="lost">ν</supplied></w> <w lemma="τρεῖς"><supplied reason="lost">τρ</supplied>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_36" n="36" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">ί</supplied>α</w>, <name type="animal" key="generic"><name type="age"><w lemma="τέλειος">τέλειον</w></name></name> καὶ <w lemma="ἕτερος">ἕτερα</w> <w lemma="δύο">δύο</w>, <w lemma="πρός">πρὸς</w> τῶι <name type="structure"><w lemma="βωμός">β<supplied reason="lost">ω</supplied><unclear>μ</unclear>ῶι</w></name> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="σφάζω"><unclear>σ</unclear><supplied reason="lost">φάζ</supplied><unclear>ε</unclear>τ<unclear>αι</unclear></w></name>, τ<unclear>ὰ</unclear> <unclear>δὲ</unclear>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_37" n="37"/><w lemma="ἄλλος"><supplied reason="lost">ἄ</supplied>λλα</w> <w lemma="εἰς">ἐς</w> τὸν <name type="locality"><w lemma="ποταμός">ποταμόν</w></name>· ὁ <w lemma="ἐργάζω">ἐργαζόμ<unclear>εν</unclear><supplied reason="lost">ος</supplied></w> <supplied reason="lost">τὸ</supplied> <name type="locality"><w lemma="χωρίον"><supplied reason="lost">χ</supplied><unclear>ωρ</unclear>ίον</w></name> τὸ <orig>ΕΝΕ<unclear>Ο</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" unit="character" quantity="1"/>
	    						    						   
<lb xml:id="line_38" n="38"/><unclear>τ</unclear>οῦ <name type="deity" key="Acheloos"><w lemma="Ἀχελῷος">Ἀχελώιου</w></name> <w lemma="μίσθωμα">μίσθωμα</w> <w lemma="ἀποδίδωμι">ἀποδιδ<supplied reason="lost">ό</supplied>τω</w>  <gap reason="lost" unit="character" quantity="6" precision="low"/>  <name type="deity" key="Acheloos"><w lemma="Ἀχελῷος">Ἀχ<unclear>ελ</unclear><supplied reason="lost">ώι</supplied><unclear>ωι</unclear></w></name> <orig><unclear>βε</unclear></orig>
	    						    						    	
<lb xml:id="line_39" n="39"/><unclear>δὲ</unclear> <w lemma="οὗτος">τοῦτο</w> <name type="sacrifice"><w lemma="καταθύω">καταθυέσθω</w></name> <orig><unclear>Ε</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" unit="character" quantity="1"/><orig>ΙΣ<unclear>Ω</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" unit="character" quantity="7" precision="low"/>  <pc><unclear>—</unclear></pc> <w lemma="πέμπτος">πέμπτηι</w> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπ<unclear>ὶ</unclear></w> <w lemma="δέκα"><unclear>δέ</unclear>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_40" n="40" break="no"/><unclear>κα</unclear></w> <name type="deity" key="Archegetes"><w lemma="ἀρχηγέτης"><unclear>Ἀρχη</unclear>γέτηι</w></name> <name type="animal" key="generic"><name type="age"><w lemma="ἐτήσιος">ἐτήσι<unclear>ον</unclear></w></name></name> <gap reason="lost" unit="character" quantity="9" precision="low"/><orig>Τ</orig><gap reason="lost" unit="character" quantity="2"/><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="2"/> <unclear>τῶι</unclear> ἱε<unclear>ρεῖ</unclear>
	    						   	    					
<lb xml:id="line_41" n="41"/><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="5" precision="low"/><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="1"/><orig>Ε<unclear>Ι</unclear>Ε</orig><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="1"/><orig><unclear>Θ</unclear></orig><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="1"/>  <name type="meal"><w lemma="δαίνυμι"><unclear>δα</unclear>ινύ<unclear>σ</unclear><supplied reason="lost">θων</supplied></w></name> <w lemma="αὐτοῦ"><supplied reason="lost">αὐτοῦ</supplied></w> <supplied reason="lost">(?)</supplied> <pc><unclear>—</unclear></pc>  <gap reason="lost" unit="character" quantity="4"/><orig><unclear>Ε</unclear></orig><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="2"/><orig><unclear>ΙΛ</unclear></orig><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="2"/><orig><unclear>Ι</unclear></orig><gap reason="illegible" unit="character" quantity="4"/> 
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_42" n="42"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="6" unit="character" precision="low"/> <name type="deity" key="Zeus"><w lemma="Ζεύς"><unclear>Δ</unclear><supplied reason="lost">ιὶ</supplied></w></name> <name type="epithet" key="Basileus"><w lemma="βασιλεύς"><supplied reason="lost">Β</supplied><unclear>ασ</unclear>ι<unclear>λ</unclear>εῖ</w></name> <orig>Ε</orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_43" n="43"/><gap reason="illegible" quantity="6" unit="character" precision="low"/><orig>ΓΗ</orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
		    					
<lb xml:id="line_44" n="44"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/><orig><unclear>ΙΒ</unclear>ΡΟΣ</orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="11" unit="character" precision="low"/>
	    						  	    					
<lb xml:id="line_45" n="45"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/><orig><unclear>ΛΕ</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="14" unit="character" precision="low"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_46" n="46"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_47" n="47"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_48" n="48"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_49" n="49"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_50" n="50"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_51" n="51"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_52" n="52"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="6" unit="character" precision="low"/><orig>ΤΟ</orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>	
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_53" n="53"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="6" unit="character" precision="low"/><orig><unclear>Σ</unclear>Η</orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    		
<lb xml:id="line_54" n="54"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="6" unit="character" precision="low"/><orig><unclear>ΕΞ</unclear><gap reason="lost" quantity="1" unit="character"/>Ε</orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_55" n="55"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="8" unit="character" precision="low"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="6" unit="character" precision="low"/><orig><unclear>Ν</unclear></orig> <unclear>κα</unclear>ὶ <name type="portion"><w lemma="σκέλος">σκ<unclear>έ</unclear><supplied reason="lost">λος</supplied></w></name> <gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_56" n="56"/><orig><unclear>Η</unclear>ΤΩ</orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="3" unit="character"/> <name type="animal" key="swine"><name type="age"><w lemma="χοῖρος"><unclear>χ</unclear>ο<unclear>ῖρος</unclear></w></name></name> <gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_57" n="57"/><orig><unclear>Ρ</unclear>Ε<unclear>ΙΕΠ</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="2" unit="character"/><orig><unclear>ΣΣΙΕΙ</unclear>Ε</orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="3" unit="character"/><orig><unclear>Π</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_58" n="58"/><orig><unclear>Ι</unclear>ΟΝ</orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="4" unit="character"/><unclear>ΕΙ</unclear>ΟΥ<unclear>Ε</unclear><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    				
<lb xml:id="line_59" n="59"/><orig><unclear>ΕΩ</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="3" unit="character"/> <name type="deity" key="Apollo"><w lemma="Ἀπόλλων"><unclear>Ἀπ</unclear>όλλωνι</w></name> <orig><unclear>Ε</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					
<lb xml:id="line_60" n="60"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="1" unit="character"/><orig><unclear>ΙΤ</unclear></orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_61" n="61"/><orig>ΕΩ</orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="3" unit="character"/><orig><unclear>Ε</unclear>ΟΜΕ</orig><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    					
<lb xml:id="line_62" n="62"/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    						    					    	
<lb xml:id="line_63" n="63"/><gap reason="lost" quantity="4" unit="character"/><orig>ΑΜ</orig><gap reason="lost" quantity="1" unit="character"/><orig><unclear>ΛΟ</unclear>Υ</orig> <w lemma="ὅτε">ὅτ<unclear>ε</unclear></w> <gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/>
	    					
<lb/><gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="line"/>

	    				</ab>

<ab subtype="face" n="Marginalia A">Marginalia A (at line 16)
<lb xml:id="line_A16" n="A16"/><name type="deity" key="Eueteria"><w lemma="εὐετηρία">Εὐετηρί<unclear>α</unclear></w></name>
</ab>

<ab subtype="face" n="Marginalia A">Marginalia B (at lines 30-31)
	
<lb xml:id="line_B30" n="B30"/><name type="deity" key="Eueteria"><w lemma="εὐετηρία">Εὐετη</w></name>
	
<lb xml:id="line_B31" n="B31" break="no"/>ρία
</ab>
	    			</div>
	    		
	    		<div type="translation" xml:lang="eng">
	    			<head>Translation</head>

<p>Gods.  With good fortune. Under the archons Kratinos, Polyzelos, and Philophron, when the cities came together in a synoikism, the Mykonians decided to fulfill the following sacrifices in addition to those (made) earlier and corrected concerning those (made) earlier.</p>
	    			
<p>{I} (5) On the 12th of Posideon, to Poseidon Temenites a ram, reckoned most beautiful, white, uncastrated; the ram is not led into the city; the back and the shoulderblade are chopped into; the shoulder-blade is libated (i.e. poured over with a libation); the tongue and a forearm (are given) to the priest; on the same day, to Poseidon Phykios, a lamb, white, uncastrated; not religiously allowed for a woman; and (10), when it buys the sacrificial animals for a price of 20 drachmae, let the council give (the money) from the revenues of the fish-tax; on the same day, to Demeter Chloe two sows, reckoned most beautiful; one of the two is pregnant; the back is chopped into from the pregnant one; let the council examine the sows;  to the priestess, let the archons give the sacrum and a thigh from the other sow, (15) two <foreign>choinikes</foreign> of barley, three <foreign>kotylai</foreign> of wine.</p>
	    			
<p>{II} On the 10th of Lenaion, at the song for the sake of produce, to Demeter, a sow pregnant for the first time, to Kore an adult boar, to Zeus Bouleus a piglet; let the <foreign>hieropoioi</foreign> provide these (animals) from the sacred money and provide wood as well as barley-grains for the sacrifice; and the archons and the priests are to supervise the rites so that they are beautiful, (20) and if anything is lacking for the performance of beautiful sacrifices, let the <foreign>hieropoioi</foreign> provide it; and any Mykonian woman who wants, or those who live in Mykonos and are initiates of Demeter, can go the festival.</p>
	    			
<p>{III} On the 11th, at the gathering, to Semele a yearling; this is portioned in nine.</p>
	    			
<p>{IV} On the 12th, to Dionysos Leneus, a yearling;</p>
	    			
<p>{V} for the sake of (25) crops, to Zeus Chthonios and Ge Chthonie, black yearlings, flayed; not religiously allowed for strangers; let them consume (the meat) on the spot.</p>
	    			
<p>{VI} On the 10th of Bacchion, at Deiras, to Dionysos Bacchos, a winter-old he-goat reckoned most beautiful; the <foreign>hieropoioi</foreign> pay its price and feast together, and let them consume (the meat) on the spot.</p>
	    			
<p>{VII} On the 7th of Hekatombaion, (30) to Apollo Hekatombios, a bull and ten lambs; the back of the bull is chopped into; the tongue and a foreleg of the bull are given to the priest; from the lambs which the boys sacrifice, a tongue is given alternately to the priest or to a boy; from the lambs which the bride-grooms sacrifice, a tongue is given alternately to the priest or to a bride-groom. (35) On the same day, to Acheloos an adult animal and ten lambs; three of these, the adult animal and two others, have their throats slit next to the altar, the rest into the river; the one who cultivates the place at [...] of Acheloos is to pay the rent-money [...] for Acheloos [...] and this is sacrificed [...].</p>
	    			
<p>{VIII} On the 15th, (40) to the Archagetes, a yearling [...] to the priest [...] let them consume (the meat) [on the spot (?)].</p>
	    			
<p>{IX} [... to Zeus (?)] Basileus  [...]</p>
	    			
<p>[... (50) ...] and a leg [...] a piglet [...] to Apollo (60) [...] when [...]</p>
	    			
<p>Marginalia A (line 16): Eueteria.</p>
	    			
<p>Marginalia B (lines 30-31): Eueteria.</p>
	    			
				</div>
				<div type="translation" xml:lang="fre">
					<head>Traduction</head>

<p>Dieux. À la bonne fortune. Sous l’archontat de Kratinos, Polyzelos et Philophron, lorsque les cités se sont unies par synécisme, il a plu aux gens de Mykonos d’accomplir les sacrifices suivants, outre ceux qui l’étaient auparavant, et ils ont amendé ceux qui l’étaient auparavant. </p>
					
<p>{I} (5) Le 12 Posideon, à Poséidon Temenites, un bélier qui l’emporte par sa beauté, de couleur blanche, non castré; le bélier n’est pas amené dans la cité; le dos et l’omoplate sont entaillés; on verse une libation sur l’omoplate; au prêtre, la langue et l’épaule; le même jour, à Poséidon Phykios, un agneau blanc, non castré; ce n’est pas religieusement permis à une femme; et, (10) lorsque le conseil achète les animaux sacrificiels pour une valeur de 20 drachmes, qu'il donne (la somme) des revenus sur la taxe des poissons ; le même jour, pour Déméter Chloe, deux truies qui l’emportent par leur beauté; l’une des deux est pleine; le dos de la bête pleine est entaillé; que le conseil examine les truies; à la prêtresse, que les archontes donnent le sacrum et une patte de l’autre truie, (15) deux chénices d’orge, trois kotyles de vin. </p>
					
<p>{II} Le 10 Lenaion, au chant pour la récolte, à Déméter, une truie pleine primipare, à Korè, un sanglier adulte, à Zeus Bouleus, un porcelet; que les hiéropes les fournissent sur l’argent sacré et fournissent du bois ainsi que des grains d’orge sacrificiels; que les archontes et le prêtre veillent aux cérémonies afin qu’elles soient aussi belles que possible; (20) si quelque chose vient à manquer pour l’accomplissement de beaux sacrifices, que les hiéropes y pourvoient; que se rende à la fête celle qui le souhaite parmi les citoyennes de Mykonos et parmi les habitantes de Mykonos qui sont initiées à Déméter.</p>
						
<p>{III} Le 11, lors de l’assemblée, à Sémélé, un petit de l’année; on en fait neuf parts.</p>
						
<p>{IV} Le 12, à Dionysos Leneus, un petit de l’année;</p>
						
<p>{V} pour (25) les récoltes, à Zeus Chthonios et à Ge Chthoniè, des petits de l’année de couleur noire, écorchés; cela n’est pas religieusement permis aux étrangers; à consommer sur place.</p>
						
<p>{VI} Le 10 Bacchion, à Deiras, à Dionysos Bacchos, un chevreau de l’hiver précédent qui l’emporte par sa beauté; que les hiéropes en paient le prix et dînent ensemble; à consommer sur place.</p>
						
<p>{VII} Le 7 Hekatombaion, (30) à Apollon Hekatombios, un taureau et dix agneaux; le dos du taureau est entaillé; au prêtre que soient données la langue et une épaule du taureau; sur les agneaux sacrifiés par les enfants, qu’une langue soit donnée alternativement au prêtre et à l’enfant; sur les agneaux sacrifiés par les jeunes mariés, au prêtre et au jeune marié, une langue alternativement. (35) Le même jour, à Acheloos, un animal adulte et dix agneaux; pour trois d’entre eux, l’animal et adulte et deux autres, qu’on leur tranche la gorge près de l’autel, le reste en direction de la rivière; que celui qui exploite le terrain à [...] d’Acheloos paie le loyer [...] à Acheloos [...] et que cela soit sacrifié [...].</p>
						
<p>{VIII} Le 15, (40) à l’Archégète, un petit de l’année [...] au prêtre [...] à consommer  [sur place (?)].</p>
						
<p>{IX} [... à Zeus (?)] Basileus  [...]</p>
						
<p>[... (50) ...] et une patte  [...] un porcelet [...] à Apollon (60) [...] quand [...]</p>
						
<p>Marginalia A (line 16): Eueteria.</p>

<p>Marginalia B (lines 30-31): Eueteria.</p>
						
				</div>
					<div type="commentary">    
						<head>Commentary</head>    
<p>Among the sacrificial calendars included in the present Collection, this example provides unusually explicit internal details about its context. Despite what some previous scholars have claimed using letterforms (most recently Butz), one side of the stele is clearly the original, since it preserves traces of a now damaged <foreign>kymation</foreign> moulding at its top (see above on Support); the other side, the one with the sacrificial calendar, is therefore inscribed on the back of the stele, which has been reworked to display a further text. The first side of the stele preserves a dotal inscription (<bibl type="abbr" n="SIG³">SIG³</bibl> 1215), that is to say a record of dowries given by fathers to their daughters or other female relatives. Reger (p. 176) fairly recently followed Koumanoudis in dating this text to the late fourth or early third century BC (a date in the early Hellenistic period is indeed likely, Carbon). Reger (see already Koumanoudis) has also convincingly restored at least two archons as part of its dating formula, lines 1-3: [ἐπ᾽ ἀρχόν]τ̣ων Σωστράτου [(1-2 other names)] | ἀγαθῆι τύχηι | Σ]στρατος : Ἀρ(?) τὴν θυγατέρα Ξάνθην ἐνηγγύησεν [Ἐπαρχίδει] κτλ. The stele was therefore reused, probably in the final decades of the third century BC following the date of Reger, to accommodate the sacrificial calendar, which is prefaced in a similar way by a group of three archons. The dowry inscription and the findspot of the stele, as vague as they may now be, are suggestive about further elements of the context. The place called Leno/Lenos on Mykonos where the stele was found (see above on Provenance) seems to preserve an ancient place name. That it reflects a sanctuary of Dionysus Leneus, a Lenaion, seems highly probable (cf. Reger, p. 167), given that the cult of this god, probably in an extra-urban sanctuary, is in evidence in the calendar itself (see on lines 15-26). From the perspective of official record-keeping, it would therefore seem that the Mykonians inscribed a copy of this sacrificial calendar in the sanctuary, and this might also begin to explain why a version of the dotal inscription would have been inscribed at the Lenaion. This was a sanctuary which appears to have been situated close to one of Demeter (cf. again lines 15-26) and which manifestly received widespread female participation. Dionysus moreover appears to have been one of the major gods worshipped on Mykonos, as is attested by various sources on the good (but perhaps not excellent) wine of the island, and especially by its coinage, which often exhibits, from the fourth century BC onward, a bust of Dionysus on the obverse and a bunch of grapes on the reverse (see again Reger). The Lenaion where this stele was erected will thus have been an important sanctuary for the communities on Mykonos.</p>  
						
<p>The preamble of the calendar is further informative about both its context and its content. As an abbreviated decree, prefaced by the name of three archons, it is explicitly dated to a time "when the cities decided to come together in one <foreign>oikos</foreign>" (ὅτε  συνωικίσθησαν αἱ πόλεις). As a result, scholars such as Butz and Reger have understandably focussed on how the calendar informs us about the synoikism of the island. According to Reger, this process of union between the cities on the island would plausibly have occurred in the decades intervening between the two inscriptions on the stele (perhaps ca. 250 BC). Reger's dating would readily match the chronology of the literary sources concerning the political constitution of Mykonos. Pseudo-Skylax in the 330s BC calls Mykonos (p. 22): αὕτη δίπολις; while a saying reported first by Strabo (10.487) says that to make a confused mixture or hodge-podge of things is to find “all things under one Mykonos” (πάνθ᾽ ὑπὸ μίαν Μύκονον) or, in other sources (e.g. <title>Themistius</title> 21, 250c; Plu. <title>QC</title> 1.2.2), “to pour all things together, just as one Mykonos” (ὥσπερ εἰς Μύκονον μίαν). In other words, Mykonos will certainly have had two cities at the beginning of the Hellenistic period, while its synoikism in ca. 250 BC and presumably the diverse body of citizens and foreigners dwelling on the island, will perhaps have been at the origin of the proverbs. Few archaeological investigations have taken place on Mykonos, and the precise site of ancient towns on the island remains somewhat unclear. The likeliest candidates for two πόλεις are the modern town of Mykonos on the western side of the island, which probably overlies an ancient site and which perhaps consisted the primary site on the island after ca. 250 BC, and the Protogeometric site of Palaiokastro, a hill fort which overlooks the capacious harbour of Panormos at the north of the island.</p>   
												
<p>What the preamble of the calendar tells us about its content is much less straightforward. The key phrase is in lines 3-5: τάδε ... πρὸς τοῖς πρότερον καὶ ἐπηνορθώθη περὶ τῶν προτέ|ρων. Literally, this ought to mean that the following list of rites, organised in calendrical fashion, contains sacrifices which were added to the preexisting ones in Mykonos and others which were corrected or emended. Telling which is which is, however, far from easy, nor can it be presumed that one of the calendars of the two cities was adopted in preference over the other, rather than elements from the two being incorporated with one another. The text as we have it may also not have been exhaustive, i.e. a full sacrificial calendar of the new city of Mykonos, but have only contained those festivals that were added or emended (see further below). First and foremost, both Butz and Reger have rightly emphasised that the change from the plural πόλεις in the brief preamble to the mention of a singular πόλις in line 6 is illuminating. It would not only tend to confirm the political unity entailed by the synoikism, but ought to suggest that these rites are either new or were emended in consequence of it. But further observations focussing on the political character of certain prescriptions in the calendar fall short of being satisfying. For instance, it is uncertain if the prominent role of the Boule, now the unified civic council of Mykonos, in organising certain rituals and funding them (see lines 10-11, 13), is innovative or merely traditional; the same could be said of the role of the archons (cf. lines 13-15, 19-20) who, as seen above, were of course already present prior to the synoikism. Equally interesting yet tantalising are the observations of von Prott (p. 15) concerning lexical elements in the style of the calendar. He remarked that some rules are presented in the indicative, others in the imperative—but it would be difficult to argue that all of the latter were innovations, as he seemed to suppose; he also astutely noted that, while most of the calendar has a fairly typical asyndetic style, some clauses appear to be different: one, for example, begins with καὶ at the end of line 9, another with ἐπιμελέσθων δὲ in line 19 (as well as two more instances of δὲ in the following line). These might all well represent corrections to previous rules concerning sacrifices, without any certainty being possible. For a possible ritual innovation, see below at lines 39-41. More intriguing, perhaps, are how several of the festivals detailed in the text seem to reveal distinct patterns of juxtaposition. In lines 5-15, for example, we have two rituals for Poseidon followed by another to Demeter on the same day, which does not readily seem to belong with the first two; in lines 29-39, we have two rituals for Apollo and Acheloos which seem to mirror one another, and yet to have very distinct focal points. Did some of these perhaps belong to one of the Mykonian cities, while the others formed a part of the other's calendar? A further interesting candidate for distinct celebrations amalgamated into one festival occasion are those presented in lines 15-26 (see also below). Here, we seem to have the traditional Mykonian Lenaia framed by two sacrifices on behalf of crops for Demeter, Kore and Zeus on the one hand, and for Zeus and Ge on the other, which will perhaps not have taken place at the Lenaion itself. As Reger (p.177-178) notes, the coins of Mykonos from ca. 220-200 BC and in the early second century BC, that is to say those that are relatively contemporaneous with the calendar, begin to show ears of corn to the left of Dionysus’ bust, with grapes on the reverse. Did this new development in the civic coinage represent this juxtaposition of Dionysus and Semele with gods worshipped ὑπὲρ καρ̣πῶν? The currency will then have been a symbol of the new political and cultic unity of the island of Mykonos.</p>  
						
<p>The composition of the calendar of Mykonos is unknown except for the present inscription. It is also unclear how strict a sequence of the months is presented in the calendar given here, or if some months were occasionally skipped because no major sacrifices occurred during them. Productive comparisons can be drawn, for instance, with the completely attested calendar of nearby Delos and with the more fragmentary calendars of some Ionian Cycladic islands, such as Keos (cf. Trümpy, who reconstructs the calendar of Mykonos in a much more patchy fashion). Most of the months known on Mykonos from this text are attested on Delos, and in the same relative sequence. We can thus plausibly suppose that the patterns of the calendars substantially overlapped, even if they did not coincide in all of their details. Indeed, the starting point of the respective calendars was different: that of Delos began in Lenaion, whereas Mykonos began a month before, in Posideon (the first month listed here, in
lines 5ff.); Posideon was the last month on Delos. But in either case Posideon immediately preceded Lenaion. On Delos, the months Hieros and Galaxion followed Lenaion, whereas on Mykonos, the month is clearly Bacchion. Otherwise, this month is only known on Keos, whose calendar also possessed months called Posideon and probably Hekatombaion. We could thus assume a direct sequence Posideon-Lenaion-Bacchion both on Mykonos and Keos, with the third month in this sequence on Delos being Hieros. At any rate, there are some further inferences to be drawn from these comparisons: since it known how the (well understood) Athenian months corresponded with those of the calendar of Delos, this would suggest that correspondences between the Athenian months can be reconstructed for Mykonos too. For instance, since Delian Posideon generally coincided with Athenian Posideon, this would mean that Mykonian Posideon--if it matched Delian Posideon--also corresponded to Athenian Posideon. Following this
assumption would entail that the Mykonian year began in midwinter, in December/January (the time of Athenian Posideon). The next month would be Lenaion in January/February (Gamelion in Athens, when the Lenaia there occurred), while Bacchion would coincide with Athenian Anthesterion in February/March. More intriguing, however, would be the near certainty that the Hekatombaion on Mykonos coincided with Delian and Athenian Hekatombaion. Since this Hekatombaion occurred five months after Anthesterion, this should imply that a substantial section of the year is skipped in our Mykonian calendar: namely, four months covering the spring and early summer (Elaphebolion to Skirophorion in Athens; Galaxion to Panemos on Delos; both including Thargelion). Along this line of reasoning, Hekatombaion appearing from lines 39ff. in the calendar would be month 8 on Mykonos and there would thus only be a maximum of four months which could further be mentioned in the fragmentary lines now forming the latter half of the stele. If this is correct, then there are several ways of interpreting this idea of a partial presentation of calendar months. One would of course be that we quite simply have here the “complete” sacrificial calendar of Mykonos, and that the months skipped over did not contain civic sacrifices for the community (compare e.g. the partial presentation of months in the sacrificial calendars of demes on Kos, such as at Phyxa: <ref target="CGRN_146">CGRN 146</ref>). But since it is difficult to suppose that such a lengthy span of time (4 months!) was entirely devoid of rituals on the island, one could also suppose that the preamble of the calendar, discussed above, was meant to introduce only a selection of the overall rites for the year. We would therefore not have here "the" sacrificial calendar of Mykonos, but more specifically, a calendrical list of the rituals which, as a result of the synoikism, the Mykonians added and corrected. Here is a summary of the calendar of Mykonos as it might be reconstructed in relation to those of Delos and Athens: (table to insert $$).
							
							
						</p>  
						
<p>As noted only by Koumanoudis, two later marginal inscriptions have been added to the left side of the stele bearing the calendar, corresponding to lines 16 and 30-31 respectively on this face. Both can be read as Εὐετηρία, an often divinised concept which signifies a "good" or "fair" year. Since Εὐετηρία could be personified as a goddess, it may be that her worship was intended to be added in these festivals; but the fact that the dative case is not used nor any offering mentioned seems to preclude this reading. For Εὐετηρία, see Parker 1996 and 2011. For other marginalia added to sacrificial calendars, see here <ref target="CGRN_32">CGRN 32</ref> (Thorikos) and <ref target="CGRN_86">CGRN 86</ref> (Kos). In other words, the presence of these marginalia perhaps seem to indicate that the sacrifices in question were particularly considered important for the success of the year. These sections are indeed concerned with agricultural rituals essential for the community (lines 16-26) and rites of maturation (perhaps) and of propitiation for the central river of the island (lines 29-39). The marginalia thus seem to underline the concerns of an island community reflected elsewhere in the calendar: it was heavily reliant on fishing in the winter, and in the spring and summer, on a successful agricultural season (namely, viticulture; for island economies in the Aegean, see Brun, with many refs. to Mykonos).</p>   
						
<p>Lines 1-5: For further details on this preamble, see above. The reading given here in lines 3-4, τάδε ἔδοξεν Μυκονίοις π̣ρο̣|θύειν, contrasts with the ones found in earlier editions. Koumanoudis read simply θύειν (with nothing at the end of line 3), which yielded good sense, while Latyschev and other successive commentators have adopted ἱερ[ὰ] | θύειν. The hyperbaton τάδε ... ἱερ[ὰ] might easily have been considered as objectionable. The final trace, indeed, is certainly a self-standing circular letter, while the first trace is not <foreign>iota</foreign> and <foreign>epsilon</foreign>, but rather a faint <foreign>pi</foreign>. The reading π̣ρο̣|θύειν thus imposes itself. Rather than referring to preliminary sacrifices, which is its most prevalent meaning (cf. e.g. here <ref target="CGRN_64">CGRN 64</ref>, Epidauros), the verb could be taken more generally in the sense of "to fulfill the sacrifices" or to ensure that they are performed (cf. <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> s.v. προθύω, usually in the middle). More evocatively, it might signify that these sacrifices of the Mykonians, under the new political order, are to take precedence over those of the past, even to be sacrificed for or "on behalf" of the community and its needs (see <bibl type="abbr" n="LSJ">LSJ</bibl> s.v. προθύω 2, occasionally followed by ὑπέρ); for sacrifices "on behalf" of crops, see below in lines 16-26.</p>   
						
						<p>Lines 5-15 (12 Posideon): This first substantial section of the calendar describe a complex sacrificial occasion taking place on the 12th of Posideon, probably the first month of the calendar of Mykonos; as argued above, Posideon is likely to have fallen in December/January as on Delos and in Athens. As two of the sacrifices occurring on this day are devoted to Poseidon, the eponym of the month, we are likely dealing with a festival which might have been called the Posideia on Mykonos. Indeed, the Posideia at Sinope (a Milesian colony, with a similar Ionian calendar) also seem to have occurred from the 12-14 of this month in the local calendar (cf. <ref target="CGRN_120">CGRN 120</ref>, lines 9-11; at Athens, they may have occurred earlier in the month, on the 8th, see <ref target="CGRN_26">CGRN 26</ref>, line A10). Similar midwinter festivals of Poseidon are also known in the Dorian world (cf. here <ref target="CGRN_115">CGRN 115</ref>, Lindos). The focus on Poseidon at this
time of the year on Mykonos may be explained both by tradition and by seasonal factors: the second appearance of the god here is as Phykios, concerned with "seaweed". The two sacrificial animals (ἱερεῖα), for Poseidon Temenites and Phykios respectively, are to be purchased by the council for a (total) value of 20 dr., explicitly with money deriving from taxes imposed on the sale of fish. We therefore here have a glimpse of an island community that was focussed on fishing—the nourishing of fish with seaweed—especially during the wintertime when agricultural activities would have reached a standstill. Both sacrifices seem to exclude women; for the interdiction of women at certain sacrifices, emphasising their maleness (here, aptly in connection with the occupation of fishing, and focussed on the male god Poseidon), cf. <ref target="CGRN_33">CGRN 33</ref> (Elateia). The first sacrifice is made to Poseidon Temenites, whose epithet is otherwise unknown for the god (though not for others, cf. e.g. an Apollo Temenites on Delos, <bibl type="abbr" n="IG XI">IG XI</bibl>.2 144, face B, line 11), yet at the same time points to a precinct. This unidentified precinct was certainly located outside the synoikised city of Mykonos, since the animal offered to the god, rather mysteriously, cannot be brought into the city but only to the precinct of the god. This is a ram that is highly specific: it is to be judged most beautiful, white, and uncastrated. For the sacrifice of rams to Poseidon, cf. here <ref target="CGRN_8">CGRN 8</ref> (Eleusis), line 4. For beauty as a criterion for the selection of a sacrificial animal, cf. here <ref target="CGRN_92">CGRN 92</ref> (Athens), lines 21-22 (with the same verb), and <ref target="CGRN_194">CGRN 194</ref> (Magnesia-on-the-Maiander), lines 12 and 50; for the white colour of sacrificial animals, compare <ref target="CGRN_6">CGRN 6</ref> (Miletos), lines 6-7; for the frequent assumption that rams (κριός) were not castrated, by comparison with male sheep (ὄϊς), cf. esp. <ref target="CGRN_52">CGRN 52</ref> (Erchia)—however, we occasionally find the more explicit term "uncastrated ram", as here: cf. <ref target="CGRN_153">CGRN 153</ref> (Kamiros). The treatment of the sacrifice and its portions also deserves some comment. The breaking of the back (νῶτογ κόπτεται) is one of the frequent sacrificial modes at Mykonos, recurring also in lines 12, 30-31. As the verb κόπτω, rare in a sacrificial context, may imply, this may have involved chopping into the back of the animal with an axe, rather than, as usual, slitting its throat to kill it (see also here at lines 36-37). In this particular case, it would seem that the back of the animal was cut into, which are enabled the removal of one of its shoulderblades (πλάτη). This portion was also treated in a special manner: the verb σπένδω is rarely used in the passive (cp. <ref target="CGRN_201">CGRN 201</ref>, Miletos, lines 8, 13, 17, though differently) but here may imply that libations were poured over the shoulderblade and perhaps that it was at the same time consecrated in the altar fire. For the focus of some sacrifices on the shoulderblade, cf. esp. <ref target="CGRN_129">CGRN 129</ref> (Patara), lines 4-5. A forelimb is granted to the priest, perhaps the same from which the shoulderblade was extracted; cf. esp. here <ref target="CGRN_165">CGRN 165</ref> (Kos), line 22 (a foreleg or shoulder "from which the divine portion is cut", probably again implying the shoulderblade). For the tongue granted as a priestly perk, see esp. <ref target="CGRN_41">CGRN 41</ref> (Chios), line 9. For Poseidon Phykios (the epithet is otherwise unknown, but its etymology is clear), a younger animal, a white uncastrated lamb is to be offered. For a choice male lamb offered to Poseidon in his sanctuary at Sounion, cf. here <ref target="CGRN_32">CGRN 32</ref> (Thorikos), lines 18-19 (but in the autumn—Boedromion).  For more elaborate Posideia or sacrifices to Poseidon, often involving oxen, see also here <ref target="CGRN_56">CGRN 56</ref> (Marathonian Tetrapolis), col. II, lines 7-8, <ref target="CGRN_130">CGRN 130</ref> (Kamiros; also involving a year-old ram), and <ref target="CGRN_199">CGRN 199</ref> (Delos), lines 1-12. Similarly to the midwinter Posideia, it is on this same occasion that the community worships Demeter Chloe, whose sphere of influence was over the greening and growth of cereal plants, no doubt to propitiate this goddess for the coming spring. For the Chloia in Attica, where Demeter also typically receives a sow, cf. here <ref target="CGRN_32">CGRN 32</ref> (Thorikos), lines 38-39 (in Elaphebolion, i.e. later in March/April; the animal is restored, but probably a sow) and <ref target="CGRN_56">CGRN 56</ref> (Marathonian Tetrapolis), col. II, lines 49-50 (in Anthesterion, February/March; a pregnant sow). At Mykonos, Demeter Chloe more distinctively receives a twofold sacrifice. Two most beautiful sows are sacrificed, and both are examined by the city council (for the selection, κρίσις, of sacrificial animals, see <ref target="CGRN_32">CGRN 32</ref>, Thorikos, lines 14, 17-20, 39, 47, and <ref target="CGRN_86">CGRN 86</ref> A, Kos, lines 1-20). But only one of them is pregnant, and the pair are seemingly treated in differing ways: the back of the pregnant animal is chopped into, but it is not mentioned any further; perquisites are only awarded from the other, non-pregnant sow. Were both animals eaten or only one of them, in which case what happened to the pregnant animal? In connection with the perquisites, it should be noted that earlier readings suggested that their recipient was a butcher, μάγειρος (Koumanoudis read ΜΗCΙΟΙ, which Butz and others expanded to read μα̣[γ]ίρωι). In fact, though the reading is highly difficult and effaced, a priestess (of Demeter) is almost certainly to be restored given the traces. Moreover, the portions obtained, the sacrum or tail of the animal as well as a thigh, are priestly prerogatives par excellence (cp. e.g. <ref target="CGRN_100">CGRN 100</ref>, Miletos, lines 2-3; by contrast, a μάγειρος will have received a relative pittance for his duties, cf. e.g. <bibl type="abbr" n="ID">ID</bibl> 352, Delos, during the local Thesmophoria, line 105: 3 drachmae to be shared among several μαγείροι). The other provisions given to the priestess, perhaps to be used as complements for the sacrificial offerings are also readily paralleled: at Marathon, two <foreign>choinikes</foreign> of barley and a <foreign>chous</foreign> of wine were provided for the sacrifice to Demeter Chloe (<ref target="CGRN_56">CGRN 56</ref>, col. II, line 50); at Aixone, the priestess of this goddess also received a <foreign>hekteus</foreign> of barley, along with other supplies (<ref target="CGRN_57">CGRN 57</ref>, lines 16-19).  </p>  
						
<p>Lines 15-26 (10-12 Lenaion): These three dates, occurring in a close sequence, again appear to form a complex but interrelated series of sacrifices, as a festival (ἑορτή), whose focus revolved notably around agricultural success (for the "good year" mentioned in the Marginalia A, see also above). Sacrifices to Demeter or Ge along with Zeus frame the occasion on the 10th and 12th. As a progression from the rites to Demeter Chloe on the previous months, the first offerings on the 10th are explicitly sacrifices performed "on the occasion of the song on behalf of produce"; since the season must still be early in the winter, probably January/February, the lyric invocation must be prospective, seeking to ensure the growing and fulfillment of good crops. Cp. esp. here the prayers to Zeus Sosipolis at Magnesia which are performed when a bull is consecrated to the god at the time of sowing in Kronion: <ref target="CGRN_194">CGRN 194</ref>, lines 29-31: ... ὑπέρ τε εἰρήνης καὶ πλούτου καὶ σίτου φορᾶς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων καρπῶν πάντ̣ων καὶ τῶν κτηνῶν (Roman-era dedications from Asia Minor frequently show this concern in dedications to Zeus, cf. e.g. <bibl type="abbr" n="SEG">SEG</bibl> 38, 1273, from 2nd-3rd century AD Bithynia). The triad honoured here is particularly associated with the mystic rites of Demeter, whether of the Thesmophoria or at Eleusis; indeed, female citizens (i.e. daughters or wives of citizens) or foreign women living in Mykonos who are initiates of Demeter, are granted the right to attend the festival. For this triad at Eleusis, see here <ref target="CGRN_8">CGRN 8</ref>, line 5 (all apparently receiving a <foreign>trittoia</foreign>), and <ref target="CGRN_94">CGRN 94</ref>, lines A24-29. For the sacrifice of pregnant animals to Demeter, see above. Kore typically received a male animal, as she does here: an adult male pig or boar. Kore receives a male ram and three piglets while (Demeter) Eleusinia receives an ox in Metageitnion (the Autumn) in the sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis, <ref target="CGRN_56">CGRN 56</ref>, col. II, lines 43-44. Cp. also esp. the rites in the Attic deme of Phrearrhioi, where Demeter Thesmophoros appears to receive a sow which may as here be qualified as πρ[ωτοτόκον], <ref target="CGRN_103">CGRN 103</ref>, line 2, accompanied by Kore, who receives a male ox, and Plouton, who in this case receives the ram. Animals are to be provided from the sacred money of the sanctuary (presumably of Demeter), and wood and barley-grains for the sacrifices are also to be supplied. For this rare mention of ὀλά̣ς (i.e. οὐλάς), grains which could be specifically used to sprinkle on the heads of animals, but could also be used to make cakes, see here <ref target="CGRN_64">CGRN 64</ref> (Epidauros), line 6, <ref target="CGRN_86">CGRN 86</ref> B (Kos), lines 5-6, <ref target="CGRN_126">CGRN 126</ref> (Lykosoura), line 15, etc. The notion that sacrificial rituals must be performed "in a beautiful manner" or "as beautifully as possible" is frequently alluded to in inscriptions, though seldom as explicitly as here in ritual norms. "Beautiful" offerings might include a range of different elements, such as adornments for the sacrificial animals, the adequate performance of the rituals and the good omens obtained from the offerings laid on the fire, and even other paraphernalia, such as for a banquet; cp. here <ref target="CGRN_145">CGRN 145</ref> (Kos), line 22; <ref target="CGRN_204">CGRN 204</ref> (Delphi), lines 2-3. We are likely to envisage that these rituals inaugurated a large festival assembly, notably of women initiates of Demeter; it is also probable that the verb β̣[αδ]ι̣ζέτω (a new reading confirming Sokolowski's suggestion) implies travel on foot, perhaps during a procession, to an extra-urban sanctuary. The nearly secure candidate for this location is the place known as Leno, the site of the sanctuary called Lenaion where the stele itself was found (see above). Indeed, it is "at the crowd-gathering" or "the assembly" that rites for Semele take place on the next day, and presumably in the same place for Dionysus Leneus on the one after that. Semele was the mother of Dionysus and often honoured at his side, especially during the festival of the Lenaia which these rites on Mykonos appear to match (see already Deubner); the Lenaia was a celebration literally of the "wine-vat" and of the maturation of the new wine. For Semele honoured with Dionysus in Attica, see <ref target="CGRN_21">CGRN 21</ref>, lines 16-19 (with references to the Lenaia in Athens falling in the period of 12-21 Gamelion, a close match with the rituals here), and <ref target="CGRN_52">CGRN 52</ref> (Erchia), col. Α, lines 45-52 + col. Δ, lines 34-41 (16 Elaphebolion, perhaps in relation to the City Dionysia or somewhat later than the Lenaia). In <ref target="CGRN_21">CGRN 21</ref>, Semele only receives a table laden with offerings, while Dionysus is honoured with an ἔριφος κριτός; at Erchia, both received a goat (αἴξ). At Erchia, the rites for the pair were performed by women, which may also be implied here by the presence of the πλῆθος, composed of women initiates of Demeter (more widely, πλῆθος may have implied a larger festival gathering, perhaps essentially of the whole civic community; for πλῆθος in this sense, cf. here  <ref target="CGRN_200">CGRN 200</ref>, Magnesia-on-Maiander, line 12, and  <ref target="CGRN_205">CGRN 205</ref>, Antiocheia-ad-Pyramum, line 5; the reading before the word is ΤΟΤΟ, which either implies a dittography as given here or could be restored as το〈ῦ〉το, following the suggestion of Sokolowski; if right, this reading would further confirm that "this assembly" was the gathering previously mentioned on the 10th of Lenaion, during the celebrations for Demeter). At Mykonos, by contrast, the animals offerred to Semele and Dionysus are somewhat less specific: both are "yearlings", without their exact species being specified (a goat may still have been preferred for Dionysus, recall the ἔριφος κριτός at Erchia mentioned above and see also <ref target="CGRN_169">CGRN 169</ref>, from Kallatis, lines 11-13). The treatment of the animal offered to Semele is distinctive, perhaps underlining the heroic or mortal side of this goddess: it is to be split into nine portions, of which one was burned on the altar. For the ritual of ἐνατεύειν, cf. esp. <ref target="CGRN_13">CGRN 13</ref>, lines A10-12 (to the Polluted Tritopatores at Selinous), and <ref target="CGRN_27">CGRN 27</ref>, lines 4-5 (forbidden for Heracles in the agora on Thasos). As with the rites which began the celebration on the 10th of Lenaion, the ones on the 12th conclude with offerings "on behalf of crops", though a more exclusive celebration in this case. The <foreign>paragraphos</foreign> which precedes them appears to signify that while they take place on the same day as the sacrifice for Dionysus, they probably occurred somewhat separately. Are we to envisage a distinct sanctuary of the Demeter, Kore and Zeus Bouleus, and of Zeus Chthonios and Ge, near Leno and the Lenaion? Zeus Chthonios and Ge Chthonie properly belong to the much discussed category of "Chthonian" gods: specifically, in this case, they epithet clarifies that they are deities of the surface of the earth. The sacrifices offered to this pair are equally distinctive: they consist of yearling animals again, perhaps a pair (thus in some sense corresponding to the sacrifices to Semele and Dionysus), but these animals are to be black and flayed. For the black colour of animals, see esp. here <ref target="CGRN_56">CGRN 56</ref> (Marathonian Tetrapolis), col. II, lines 17-18, probably a sacrifice to Ge "at the oracle" (on 10 Elaphebolion, about two months later than the season envisaged here, but coinciding with the City Dionysia); for the flaying of animals, cf. <ref target="CGRN_26">CGRN 26</ref> (Athens), lines B2-3, <ref target="http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be/CGRN_66/">CGRN 66</ref> (Chios), line 11, and <ref target="http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be/CGRN_84/">CGRN 84</ref> (Salaminioi), lines 27-33. The flaying of the black animals can be thought to be particularly significant, since it would results in smallish black hides or skins, which may have evoked the colour of the rich earth, the <foreign>chthon</foreign> itself. The exclusion of strangers is not found with great frequency in ritual norms; typically, specific rules allowed strangers a limited form of participation in many cults, cf. e.g. <ref target="CGRN_4">CGRN 4</ref> (Olympia); the exclusion here may have been stressed because of the importance of the rituals for the agriculture success of the community. On consumption of meat on the spot, also mentioned particularly in closely communal rituals, see here <ref target="CGRN_32">CGRN 32</ref> (Thorikos), for further discussion (commentary on lines 10-12).</p>  
						
<p>Lines 26-29 (10 Bacchion): This shorter entry in the calendar preserves a sacrifice to Dionysus Baccheus in his eponymous month, Bacchion. If it is correct that Bacchion matched Athenian Anthesterion (see above), then this sacrifice may have generally coincided with the Anthesteria, which lasted from the 11-13 of the month. Cp. esp. the sacrifice of a tawny or black he-goat to Dionysus in the calendar of Thorikos thought to fall on 12 Anthesterion, <ref target="CGRN_32">CGRN 32</ref>, lines 33-35.  For the frequent offering of goats to Dionysus, see here e.g. <ref target="CGRN_158">CGRN 158</ref> (Kamiros); for the beauty of animals, see above, lines 5-15. The toponym or topographical reference behind the word δειράς, "the ridge", is otherwise unknown; it again probably implies an extra-urban cult site, where the ἱεροποιοί woud have dined together and the remaining meat could have been consumed by other participants on the spot (for such rules in ritual norms, see above on lines 15-26).</p>  
						
						<p>Lines 29-39 (7 Hekatombaion): This lengthy passage again seems to define a major festival of the community of Mykonos. This takes place in the summer month of Hekatombaion in honour of Apollo and Acheloos, with the two rituals being fairly close mirrors of one another. Apollo in his connection with young boys and married men, and particularly Acheloos and his fertile river are to be viewed as ensuring a "fair year" (signified by the later marginalia B; see above). Apollo is very appropriately worshipped on the 7th of the month, which was considered to be the birthday of the god; cf. here e.g. <ref target="CGRN_52">CGRN 52</ref>, Erchia, col. Α, lines 24-37 +  col. Γ, lines 32-38 + col. Ε, lines 32-47  (7-8 Gamelion), and cf. esp. <ref target="CGRN_56">CGRN 56</ref>, col. I, lines 24-26, where Apollo Apotropaios is worshipped in Hekatombaion, probably on the 7th of the month. Apollo here receives a bull and ten lambs, perhaps a measure or a symbol of a hekatomb, which would
literally involve the sacrifice of 100 oxen (for hekatombs offered to Apollo, see <ref target="CGRN_201">CGRN 201</ref>, Miletos, line 19), which might be expected for a god called Hekatombios, the eponym of the month. For the chopping into the back of the bull and the priestly portions given, cp. the nearly direct parallel of the sacrifice of the ram to Poseidon Temenites, lines 5-15 above. Yet, more specifically, it is intriguing that of the ten lambs sacrificed to Apollo in this case, some were clearly offered by boys (παῖδες), while others were offered by newly-weds (νυμφίοι) or perhaps young men about to married or of a marriageable age. These categories of young men might suggest that what used to be misleadingly called “a rite of passage” is intended here, or at least a rite having some connection with the maturation of male youths, from boys into married men (cf. already Hes. <title>Th.</title> 346-348). Acheloos may have his place in this possible context too, as rivers were
occasionally known in a kourotrophic capacity, see the passage of Eustathius ad. H. <title>Il.</title> 1293 cited and discussed by Pirenne-Delforge. The precise configuration of the lambs offered by these two subgroups escapes us, but it must have involved even numbers of boys and νυμφίοι given the repartition of tongues that takes place: one tongue from each pair of lambs goes either to the priest or to the boy (γλῶσσα ἑκατέρωι); similarly, one tongue for the priest and one for a νυμφίος (for instance, we might think of six lambs offered by boys, four by νυμφίοι, or some similar arrangement). For the tongue as a priestly and honorific portion, see also above on lines 5-15. Acheloos, a theriomorphic, polymorphic god whose streams can sprout up almost anywhere, is rarely conspicuous in our epigraphic documentation, except as <foreign>paredros</foreign> to the Nymphs for example (cf. <ref target="CGRN_26">CGRN 26</ref>, Athens, line A19, during the Posidea). For other sacrifices to Acheloos see here <ref target="CGRN_52">CGRN 52</ref> (Erchia), col. Α, lines 13-17 + col. Β, lines 22-26 + col. Γ, lines 27-31 + col. Δ, lines 25-28 + col. Ε, lines 17-22 (27 Boedromion), apparently as part of a local festival in the autumn; for other sacrifices made to rivers, cp. <ref target="CGRN_81">CGRN 81</ref> (Thebes-on-the-Mykale), lines 8-11 (to the river Maiander during the Targelia in early summer). Here, Acheloos assumes a place as the pendant of Apollo during this festival, receiving an adult animal and also ten lambs. The sacrificial arrangement is different however: two of the lambs and the adult animal have their throats slit (σ̣[φάζ]ε̣τα̣ι̣) near the altar, while the blood from the remainder of the animals is directed at the river itself (ἐς τὸν ποταμόν). For slaughtering and the directionality of blood during sacrifices, cf. here <ref target="CGRN_13">CGRN 13</ref> (Selinous), line B13 (towards the earth). In other words, it is clear that the god was meant to be worshipped both as a divine recipient represented by his altar, and as a natural manifestation too, the river Acheloos (for this as the name of a local river, cf. e.g. e.g.  <bibl type="abbr" n="IG IX.1²">IG IX.1²</bibl> 3, lines 5-6, from Thermos in Aitolia, ca. 262 BC). The setting is thus naturally to be envisaged as outside the city of Mykonos. The watercourse (ποταμός) in question can reasonably be identified with the only major river about which we have any evidence on the island, formerly called Megalo Langadi (now Texniti Marathiou / Maou). This flowed from the heights at the center of the island, around the hill of Palaiokastro and into a fairly wide valley still visible on satellite maps, combining with a small lake and stream, and issuing finally into the capacious bay of Panormos. However, the riverbed is now usually very dry, perhaps also pointing to the efficacious purpose of propitiating Acheloos in the summertime in antiquity. The passage concluding this calendar entry remains partly difficult to decipher and thus enigmatic: what is clear is that some individual was expected to be cultivating the land belonging to the god, perhaps a precinct where the altar was located and somewhere near the river (if τὸ ΕΝΕΟ̣[.] indicates a precise location on Mykonos, then this is virtually impossible to guess at present). The individual who had rented it during a specific year was to pay the rent (μίσθωμα ἀποδιδ[ό]τω) and this was somehow used to make a sacrifice or a consecration to the god as well (τοῦτο καταθυέσθω).</p>  
						
<p>Lines 39-41 (15 Hekatombaion): Sacrifices later in this month honour the Archegetes of Mykonos, presumably its eponymous hero Mykonos himself, take place on a date that is perhaps significant elsewhere. In Athens, the 16 Hekatombaion is known as the festival of the Synoikia, and sacrifices perhaps preliminary to this occur also in the state sacrificial calendar (<ref target="CGRN_45">CGRN 45</ref>, fr. 3, col. 2). If the parallel with the Athenian Synoikia is then extended to Mykonos, this might entail that these sacrifices to the Founding Hero of the community were taken to represent and celebrate the gathering of this community into one <foreign>oikos</foreign>, such as indeed became the case after the synoikism explicitly mentioned in lines 1-5 (see above). In other words, celebrating the Archegetes, whether by tradition or innovation, would certainly take on a special meaning of civic identity and cohesion in these historical circumstances. Regrettably, however, the entry is short and fragmentary; the hero receives a yearling animal, from which his priest was probably prerogative portions of meat; consumption of the meat took place on the spot, a marker for a type of feasting which stressed the importance of a communal gathering (see above on lines 15-26). For other cults of heroes called Archegetes, cf. here <ref target="CGRN_26">CGRN 26</ref> (Athens), line B8, and <ref target="CGRN_57">CGRN 57</ref> (Aixone), lines 31-36.</p>
						
<p>Lines 41-63 (dates missing): The conclusion of the previous entry concerning the Archegetes in line 41 seems to be assured both from the concluding mention of the feasting "on the spot" and the traces of an incised <foreign>paragraphos</foreign> following this. Either a new month or a new date would be expected to follow this probable <foreign>paragraphos</foreign>, but regrettably it is difficult to make sense of the scant extant traces at end of line 41 or the beginning of line 42. What is thankfully clear, however, is the mention of [Β]α̣σ̣ιλ̣εῖ. Given the dative case and the proximity of this word to a probable new date, we should likely think of this word as an epithet, most likely of Zeus. Zeus Basileus is indeed widely attested in the Ionian world, for instance on Paros (<bibl type="abbr" n="IG XII.5">IG XII.5</bibl> 134 and 234), as well as at Erythrai (<bibl type="abbr" n="LSAM">LSAM</bibl> 25) and Priene (<bibl type="abbr" n="IK.Priene">IK.Priene</bibl> 201, Basileus and the Kouretes). Unfortunately, no other details are available concerning his worship in Mykonos. The remaining fragmentary lines, with perhaps more missing below (to a length that is impossible to estimate), give a tantalising indication of what the original remaining content of the calendar may have been. Line 55 appears to preserve two portions awarded as prerogatives, including a leg; line 56, the sacrifice of a piglet; line 57, perhaps again at least one mention of prerogatives for a priest (ἱερεῖ). Line 59 probably mentions a sacrifice to Apollo, but it is impossible to tell if the trace following this is the beginning of his epithet or of a sacrificial animal. Intriguingly, line 63 might be read as suggesting a new date early in a month, perhaps [... | ἱστ]αμ[έ]ν̣ο̣υ ὅτε̣, though the traces do not completely support this reading.</p>
						
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